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the morning preparing cartridges for the purpose | treat that you will clearly set before our countryof firing a salute of one hundred guns. This done, the embarkation took place, the band meanwhile playing Yankee Doodle.

No braver men ever lived than the defenders of Fort Sumter, and when all showed such lofty courage and patriotism it would be invidious to make distinctions; but the ardor and endurance of musician Hall of Company E was remarked by every man in Sumter, and the company intend to present him with a testimonial. He was at the firing of the first guns, and fought on all day, and would not accept either of the three reliefs. He was up at the first shot the next day, and worked without cessation till night. His example and words of cheer had great effect. This is the more worthy of remark as he belonged to the musicians, and he was not obliged to enter into the engagement at all.

MINUTES OF AN OFFICER IN FORT SUMTER.

We passed Friday night without firing. A shot or shell came against our walls about every fifteen minutes during the night. We placed a non-commissioned officer and four men at each salient embrasures; partly expecting the boats from the fleet outside, and partly expecting a boat attack from the enemy.

Our own shells and rampart grenades caught fire from the burning of the quarters, and exploded among us in every direction, happily without doing any injury.

The officers were engaged in moving barrels of powder with the flames around them, in tearing down a burning platform near the magazine, and in rescuing public property from the burning buildings, with our own shells and those of the enemy bursting among us.

The interior of the fort is a scene of frightful desolation; it is indescribable.

Mr. Hart, a volunteer from New York, particularly distinguished himself in trying to put out the flames in the quarters, with shells and shot crashing around him. He was ordered away by Major Anderson, but begged hard to be permitted to remain and continue his exertions.

When the building caught fire, the enemy commenced firing hot shot.

Mr. Sweaner of Baltimore was badly wounded in three places by a piece of shell.

Many of the South Carolina officers who came into the fort on Saturday, who were formerly in our service, seemed to feel very badly at firing upon their old comrades and flag.

Commander Hartstene acted like a brother. He was very active in offers of service, and when he went aboard the lighter he ran up the American flag over us. He took charge of the men left behind wounded by the accident. He asked Capt. Doubleday to procure a small piece of our flag for

him.

Our flag has several shell-holes through it.

AN IMPROMPTU ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE OF Sumter.

men at the North the fact that Fort Sumter was not evacuated while there was a cartridge to fire, or pow der enough left to make one with. Never did famished men work more bravely than those who defended that fortress, knowing, as they did, that if successfully defended and held by them, there was not even a biscuit left to divide among them. They never would have left it while a protecting wall stood around them, had they been provided with provision and ammunition. Every man was true and faithful to his post, and the public may be assured that hunger and want of ammunition alone caused us to leave Fort Sumter. We were all exposed to a most terrible fire from all quarters, and it was only by exercising the utmost care that the officers were enabled to preserve the men from a terrible slaughter. You may further state, Gentlemen, that Fort Sumter is hardly worth the holding; had there been the full fighting complement of men within its walls, the fort would not have afforded suitable protection for one-half of them. enemy's shot rained in upon and about us like hail, and more men in Sumter would only have made more havoc. As it was, we are fortunate in having escaped without the loss of one of those brave men who were willing to die for the flag which waved Stars and Stripes finally hauled down, but we all over them. It was a painful sight to all to see the felt that we had done our duty, and must submit. The fort was not surrendered, but evacuated almost upon our own terms.”

The

-Tribune, April 19.

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

Fort Sumter is lost, but freedom is saved. There is no more thought of bribing or coaxing the traitors who have dared to aim their cannon balls at the flag of the Union, and those who gave their lives to defend it. It seems but yesterday that at least two-thirds of the journals of this city were the virtual allies of the Secessionists, their apologists, their champions. The roar of the great circle of batteries pouring their iron hail upon devoted Sumter, has struck them all dumb. It is as if one had made a brilliant and effective speech, setting forth the innocence of murder, and having just bidden adieu to the cheers and the gas-light, were to be confronted by the gory form and staring eyes of a victim of assassination, the first fruit of bis oratorical success. For months before the late Presidential election, a majority of our journals predicted forcible resistance to the government as the natural and necessary consequence of a Republican triumph; for months since they have been cherishing and encouraging the Slaveholder's Rebellion, as if it were a very natural and proper proceeding. Their object was purely partisan-they wished to bully the Republican Administration into shameful recreancy to Republican principle, and then call upon the people to expel from power a party so profligate and cowardly. They did not succeed in this; they have succeeded in enticing their Southern protegés and some time allies into flagrant treason.

While the reporters were seated at a table, busily engaged in transcribing the various statements they had received from the officers of Maj. Anderson's command, an officer who had previously stood quietly in the back-ground, suddenly addressed them in a most emphatic manner, substantially as follows; "Gentlemen of the press, I earnestly en-putable.

There cannot be a rational doubt that every man who aided or abetted the attack on Fort Sumter is involved in the guilt of treason. That all the besiegers of Forts Sumter and Pickens have incurred the penalty of treason-which is death-is indis

Most of our journals lately parading the pranks of the Secessionists with scarcely disguised exultation, have been suddenly sobered by the culmination of the slaveholding conspiracy. They would evidently like to justify and encourage the traitors further, but they dare not; so the Amen sticks in their throat. The aspect of the people appals them. Democrat as well as Republican, Conservative and Radical, instinctively feel that the guns fired at Sumter were aimed at the heart of the American Republic. Not even in the lowest groggery of our city would it be safe to propose cheers for Beauregard and Gov. Pickens. The Tories of the Revolution were relatively ten times as numerous here as are the open sympathizers with the Palmetto Rebels. It is hard to lose Sumter; it is a consolation to know that in losing it we have gained a united people. Henceforth, the loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to treason, whereever plotted, however justified. Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the country is saved. Live the Republic!

No blame is imputed to Major Anderson by the Administration, and no whisper affecting his fidelity and loyalty is tolerated. He acted upon a necessity contemplated by his orders, which was to yield the fort in case he should be encompassed by an overwhelming force, or reduced to an extremity by the want of provisions. According to information which reached here recently, his supplies were expected to be exhausted last Tuesday, and hence the extraordinary efforts which were made here to recruit his enfeebled garrison. Major Anderson himself endeavored to get rid of the laborers who had been employed in the fort, for the purpose of restricting the consumption to his actual military command; but the State authorities refused to permit their departure, and these additional mouths were thus imposed upon his limited stock of provisions. In view of the threatened contingency, an attempt was made to communicate with him on the 4th inst., conveying discretion to abandon the fort, if, in his judgment, it could not be held until supplies could be forwarded. But that and other despatches were intercepted, which put the Secessionists in full possession of the exact circumstances of his condition, and enabled General Beauregard to time his operations, as they were subsequently developed. Then the order cutting off his purchases in the Charleston market was made. The despatch which Lieutenant Talbot took down repeated this discretion, but also announced to him that a vessel with supplies, supported by several ships of war, would be sent to his relief. That despatch could not be delivered, and its general character was anticipated by the instructions of the government, which had been feloniously appropriated before. It will thus be seen, that the Revolutionists were fully informed, not only of the state of the garrison, but of the policy of the government in every essential particular. With their immense force, and numerous batteries, and considering that the storm had dispersed the fleet which had been sent to Major Anderson's relief, or, at least prevented their co-operation, the result is not surprising. -New York Tribune.

of this sort, there can be but two parties-a Northern and a Southern party; for all other parties will cease to exist. The political principles, organizations and issues which have divided our country and our people, in various shapes and forms, since the treaty of our independence with England, will all be very soon overwhelmed in the sweeping changes of a civil war. It would be folly now to argue what might, could, would, or should, have been done by Southern fire-caters and Northern disorganizers in 1854, 1860, or by Mr. Buchanan, or by Mr. Lincoln, or by the late session of Congress. Civil war is upon us, and the questions which now supersede all others are: What are the consequences now before us? Where is this war to end? and how and when? What is our duty under this warlike condition of things? and what are the movements and the conditions necessary to change this state of war to a state of peace?

These questions will irresistibly impress themselves upon the mind of every thinking man, north and south. Earnestly laboring in behalf of peace, from the beginning of these sectional troubles down to this day, and for the maintenance of the Union through mutual concessions, we do not even yet utterly despair of arresting this civil war before it shall have passed beyond the reach of reason.

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flushed with the power and patronage of the FedRefusing the ballot before the bullet, these men, eral Government, have madly rushed into a civil war, which will probably drive the remaining Slave States into the arms of the Southern Confederacy, and dash to pieces the last hope for a reconstruction of the Union.

the flag of their country within the walls of Fort To the gallant men, who are so nobly defending Sumter, the nation owes a debt of eternal gratitude -not less than to the equally gallant and patriotic spirits, who, in like obedience to the demands of duty, are perilling their lives and shedding their blood in the heroic, but, as yet, unsuccessful endeavor to afford them succor. But, to the coldcivil war-themselves magnanimously keeping out blooded, heartless demagogues, who started this of the reach of bodily harm-we can only say, you must find your account, if not at the hands of an indignant people, then in the tears of widows and orphans. The people of the United States, it must be borne in mind, petitioned, begged and implored these men, who are become their accidental masters, to give them an opportunity to be heard, before this unnatural strife was pushed to a bloody extreme, but their petitions were all spurned with contempt, and now the bullet comes in to decide the issue!

-N. Y. Express.

The curtain has fallen upon the first act of the great tragedy of the age. Fort Sumter has been At all events, the reduction of Fort Sumter and surrendered, and the stars and stripes of the Amer this manifesto of President Lincoln are equivalent ican Republic give place to the felon flag of the to a declaration of war on both sides, between the Southern Confederates. The defence of the fortConfederate and the United States. In a conflictress did honor to the gallant commander by whom

Government, and since the Secretary of War of the Southern Confederacy has threatened to capture Washington, and even to invade the Northern States, while a formal declaration of hostilities is about to be made by the Confederate Congress, we should be wanting in every element of manhood, be perpetually disgraced in the eyes of the world, and lose all self-respect, if we did not arouse to determined action to re-assert the outraged dignity of the nation.

it was held, and vindicated the Government under | had not insisted upon the utter humiliation of the which he served. Judging from the result, it does not seem to have been the purpose of the Government to do any thing more. The armed ships which accompanied the supplies took no part in the contest. Whatever may have been the reason for it, their silence was probably fortunate. They could scarcely have forced their way through the heavy batteries which lined the coast, nor could their participation in the fight have changed the result. The preparations of the enemy were too complete, and their forces too numerous, to warrant any hope of success with the number of guns at our command. The fort was bravely defended. It has fallen without loss of life-the ships are on the spot to enforce the blockade of Charleston harbor-Fort Pickens, according to a despatch from Montgomery, has already been reinforced-and every thing is ready for unrolling the next and the far more terrible scene of this great drama.

The Government of the United States is prepared to meet this great emergency, with the energy and courage which the occasion requires, and which the sentiment of the nation demands. The President issues his proclamation to-day, convening Congress for the 4th of July, and calling for seventyfive thousand volunteers for the defence of the Union, and the protection of the rights and the liberties of the American people. The people will respond to this demand with alacrity and exultation. They ask nothing better than to be allowed to fight for the Constitution which their fathers framed. Whatever may have been their political differences, there has never been a moment when they were not ready to sink them all in devotion to their common country, and in defence of their common flag. The President's proclamation will be hailed with an enthusiasm which no event of the last twenty years has called forth—with a high-hearted determination to exterminate treason, which will carry terror into the hearts of the Confederates, who have conspired for the destruction of the freest and best government the world has ever seen. -N. Y. Times.

The spirit which has been manifested since the assault upon Fort Sumter commenced shows that the anomaly we have too long witnessed, of peace upon one side, and war upon the other, will very speedily be destroyed. Henceforth we shall no longer strive to see how little we can do to strengthen forts, to maintain armies, to fit out fleets, to enforce the laws, and protect the honor of the nation, but how much. We will no longer seek to tie the hands of the Government-to cripple its powersto unman and degrade it-to strengthen and encourage treason, and to dishearten and humiliate loyalty. The issue is now made up-either this great Republic or its desperate adversaries must be overthrown; and may God defend the right!

Henceforth each man, high and low, must take his position as a patriot or a traitor-as a foe or a friend of his country-as a supporter of the flag of the stars and stripes or of the rebel banner. The contest which is impending will doubtless be attended with many horrors; but all the facts show that it has been forced upon us as a last resort; and war is not the worst of evils. Since the startling events of the last five months have been succeeded by a brutal bombardment of a fort erected at vast expense for the defence of Charleston harbor, which would have been peaceably evacuated if the rebels Doc.-15

-Phila. Press.

Were the Confederate States now a foreign foc, and we had declared war against them, with the status of Sumter as it was in the present case, we should regard them as the veriest fools and cowards, had they failed to make the attack before reinforcements could arrive, and so to secure the advantages of their position. And by this estimate the administration at Washington does not regard they must be judged in this thing. For although them as a foreign foe, yet the Confederate States constitute a nation, with its independence declared, and therefore they regard the United States as a foreign foe. In the attack upon Sumter they have done just what the United States would have done with respect to England at the opening of the Revolutionary war; just what any nation would do under the same circumstances. And in fact they have done that thing, which, had they not done, they would have been the subject of scoff and ridicule up and down the whole gamut of Black Republican insolence.

are all with respect to the future. The inflamed The questions which now arise and warlike spirit accredited to the Northern cities and free States generally, must not be taken into the account, or we shall plunge into a prolonged, sanguinary, and indecisive conflict, in which the border States will soon become the "dark and bloody ground." A war of conquest and subjugation against the Southern Confederacy, will terminate in inevitable disaster, whatever may be the actual termination of the strife. Such a war must

begin, as it has really been anticipated, by a positive purpose on the part of the administration at cal inequality in the Union. Consequently, the Washington to reduce the Southern States to politialternative of submission to this administration at the recognition of a power which has avowed an any time, includes assent to political inequality, and Whatever successes may attend the United States, "irrepressible conflict" with Southern institutions. therefore, as against the Confederate States, the end must be the recognition of independence of the latter, or the holding them by military power. In the latter case all union is at an end; peace and tration of all business will continue indefinitely. On harmony will be unattainable; and the utter prosof the Confederate States will at once end the the other hand, the recognition of the independence strife, restore public confidence, and relieve the enterprises of industry and capital from the embarmust in the end overwhelm them with calamity. rassment which now hinders their prosperity, and

--Baltimore Sun.

Doc. 53. THE FIRST DEFEAT OF THE

REBELS.

Ir is evident that General Scott has once more beaten the enemies of his country by mere force of

his admirable stratagetical genius. To do so, he has, as was necessary, suffered not only traitors, but loyal men, to rest under a misapprehension. Those who remember the impatience with which the American public watched his apparent inaction at one period of the Mexican war, will not have forgotten the shout of admiration which went up from the people, when it was at last discovered that the supposed inaction had been in reality the wisest and shrewdest action; and that by the most masterly display of military strategy he had outwitted the enemy, and obtained a splendid victory, when nought but defeat and disaster stared our army in the face.

He who reads and compares carefully the despatches from Charleston, Montgomery, and Washington, in this morning's journals, can not avoid the gratifying conclusion that that which looks at first blush like a disaster to the government, is in reality but the successful carrying out of an admirable plan of military operations. Before this, the traitors see themselves caught in the toils. In fact, it seems to have sickened the chief traitor, Davis, already; for Montgomery despatches relate that when the news from Charleston came, and the mob serenaded Davis and Walker, "the former was not well and did not appear;" and even his secretary was costive of words, and "declined to make a speech."

The facts which tend to the conclusion we have pointed out, may be summed up as follows:

General Scott has been averse to the attempt to reenforce Fort Sumter. He saw that it would cost men and vessels, which the Government could not spare just now.

As an able general, he saw that Sumter and Charleston were points of no military importance, and would only need valuable men to hold, if we took them-with no adequate advantage gained.

He saw that the two keys of the position were Fort Pickens in the Gulf, and Washington, the capital.

He knew that Davis had not generalship to perceive that on the 4th of March, and for some weeks afterward, it would have been almost impossible for the Federal Government to defend Washington against such a force as the traitors had already collected before Sumter, and which could be marched at any time on a capital not yet prepared for defence-not yet even purged of traitors.

His plans, based on these facts, were at once laid. By every means in his power, he concentrated the attention of traitors and loyal men on Sumter. He must have seen with infinite satisfac

tion the daily increasing force gathered at Charleston, while the Government lost no time in strengthening the capital. Every hour the traitors spent before Sumter gave them only more surely into the

hands of their master.

To make assurance doubly sure, he pretended to leave Fort Pickens in the lurch. It was said to be in danger, when Scott knew that a formidable force was investing it. Men feared that all would be lost by the inaction of the Government, when it was never more shrewdly energetic.

At last Washington was reasonably safe. Forces were gathered. Once more our brave old General saw himselt with means in his hands. Then came the armament, popularly believed to be destined for Sumter. The Government said not a word-only asked of the traitors the opportunity to send its

own garrison a needed supply of food. They refused, and-fearing the arrival of the Federal fleet -drunk and besotted with treason, and impatient to shed the blood of loyal soldiers, they made the attack.

Scarce had they begun when they saw, with evident terror, ships hovering about the harbor's mouth; they plied their cannon in desperate haste; but no ship came in to Anderson's help. What was the matter?

Made bold by the furious thirst for blood, they dared the ships to come in. But no ship offered its assistance to Anderson. More, the guns of Sumter were only directed at the works of the traitors, and Major Anderson evidently tried to fire in such a manner as not to kill men. He did not even try a few bombs on the city, though it is certain, from a letter of one of his own officers, that his guns would reach beyond the centre of Charleston.

What was the matter? Beauregard must have thought the Government officers both fools and cowards. When his own boats were sailing unharmed about the harbor, between Sumter and Moultrie, bearing his orders, was it possible that the forces outside could stand apathetic, while a brave garrison was being done to death? When the battle was to the death, would a shrewd officer neglect to divert his enemy's attention by firing his city?

If it seemed mysterious to us, waiting on Saturday with breathless suspense, it must have seemed incomprehensible to any cool head in the traitor

camp.

Still no ships came in-and, in fact, the reports state that only three or four small vessels remained in the offing. After forty hours' cannonade, in which not one man is killed, Major Anderson, an officer of undoubted courage and honor, runs up a white flag, surrenders the fort, and becomes the guest of General Beauregard. Let no man hastily cry traitor! He only obeyed his orders. He made an honorable defence. He took care to shed no blood. He "gave orders not to sight men, but to silence batteries."

Meantime, while the rebels are ignorantly glorifying the victory of five thousand men over eighty, what news comes from Montgomery? The telegraph in the hands of the rebels says:

"Fort Pickens was reënforced last night." "It is understood that Charleston harbor is blockaded."

rebels, gave Davis the first intimation of his defeat? Despatches from Lieut. Slemmer, captured by the No wonder the rebel chief was "sick," and went to bed! No wonder that his Secretary, Walker, declined to make a speech!

And what from Washington? These significant paragraphs:

"The report that Anderson has surrendered, and is the guest of General Beauregard, has been communicated to the President. The latter was not surprised, but, on the contrary, remarked, 'The supply vessels could not reach him, and he did right. When he was told that the report was that nobody was injured in Fort Sumter, he seemed very much gratified, and remarked that he regretted that Major Anderson could not be supplied, as that was all he needed.

"The next act in the play will represent a scene | volved upon me; and in any event I shall, to the at Fort Pickens, in Pensacola harbor."

best of my ability, repel force by force. In case it The position of affairs is this: Charleston is proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as blockaded. Fort Pickens is reënforced by troops mails to be withdrawn from all the States which is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United States which the traitors foolishly believed were destined claim to have seceded, believing that the commencefor Sumter. Washington is secure beyond peradment of actual war against the Government justiventure. The traitors have, without the slightest cause, opened the war they have so long threatened. The country is roused to defend its assailed liberties, and gathers enthusiastically about the Government, and treason has been checkmated at the first blow it struck. Let them keep Sumter a few

weeks.

Let no man cry traitor to Major Anderson! Let no one fear for the energy of the Administration.

Let us thank God that brave old General Scott remains to give his loyal heart and wise head to his country's service!

-Evening Post.

fies and possibly demands it. I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property situated within the States which claim to have seceded, as yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the supposed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so

Doc. 54.—THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH TO THE far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification.*

VIRGINIA COMMISSIONERS.

To Hon. Messrs. PRESTON, STUART, and RANDOLPH: Doc. 55. THE FEELING IN THE CITY OF
GENTLEMEN: As a committee of the Virginia
Convention, now in session, you present me a pre-
amble and resolution in these words:

Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue towards the seceded States, is extremely injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of the pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace; therefore,

Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the President of the United States, present to him this preamble, and respectfully ask him to communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States.

NEW YORK.

FROM the first announcement that hostilities had actually commenced in Charleston Harbor, and that Major Anderson's garrison of sixty or seventy men were sustaining and replying as best they could, to a fierce bombardment from a force more than one it was announced that he was compelled to strike hundred times their number, down to the moment his flag, the feeling that stirred the people as one man, here, and so far as we can learn, elsewhere also, was too deep, too strong, and will be too enduring, to be characterized by the term excitement. Never have we seen anything like it. While the the absurdity and downright falsehood of many of keen sagacity of the public mind readily detected the despatches, yet those received on Friday night, created a sharp relish for more; consequently, Satwhole day, business was forsaken or limited to the urday morning, all the forenoon, and throughout the briefest necessity. At the Stock Board cheers were stocks stiffened with renewed determination to stand given for Major Anderson, and the Government by the country. As despatch after despatch came, like bonibs from an enemy's battery, the feeling was depressed or elated according to their character.

The announcement that Fort Sumter was on fire

In answer I have to say, that having, at the beginning of my official term, expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and mortification I now learn there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression sounded like a knell as well as an impossibility. It I can give to my purposes. As I then and therein was a silly, unnecessary falsehood, or else some casaid, I now repeat, "The power confided in me will lamity had happened within the walls of Fort Sumbe used to hold, occupy, and possess property and ter, on which it was based. It caused forebodings. places belonging to the Government, and to collect had been some unlucky miscarriage, as the public "Where is the fleet?" was on all lips. That there the duties and imports; but beyond what is neces- mind had conceived its objects, was quite plain. sary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people any-would soon come down, and, later, that they had Finally came the report that the stars and stripes where." By the words " property and places belonging to the government," I chiefly allude to the actually given place to the flag of Rebellion; when, military posts and property which were in posses-belief, particularly of the statement that, notwithin spite of doubts, and the strong inclination to dission of the government when it came into my standing the bombardment had continued nearly hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if I can, like places which had been seized before the Government was de

The fact that the secessionists opened the fight at Charleston before any attempt was made by the Government to reinforce or supply Fort Sumter, is viewed here puts the responsibility upon them.-New York Herald, as an attempt on their part to coerce the Government, and April 14.

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