able system of national support, must be substituted by the Confederate States, what then will be the condition of their commerce? It will then be found that the revolution has been a vain work The bubble will have burst, and the experimenters, after having turned the whole nation back a quarter of a century in its career-having ruined a generation, subverted more capital than would suffice to purchase every slave in the nation, accumulated a debt impossible to be paid, and spread repudiation and bankruptcy over a whole circle of Stateshappy, if to these evils it has not added the clothing of every household in mourning-the experimenters will then find themselves vainly endeavoring to restore trade to the same relations and arrangement in which it was at the fatal moment when they initiated their new career. All that will then have been achieved will be the creation of a double set of political dignitaries, and the distribution of a double supply of loaves and fishes to the patriots of the ferment. A tariff of duties for revenue once adopted, it then becomes the plain policy of the United States of the old Confederacy to enact the same rates, and commerce will immediately oscillate back to the track and custom of its old career. | to have invited us into her counsels, or, at least, to have warned us of the complications she was preparing for us. As it is, she has led us blindfold to the edge of the precipice, and those of our own fellow-citizens who renounce for us all freedom of opinion on our own destiny, tell us we have no choice but to take the leap. Wo deny that Maryland is so bound up in the fortunes of Virginia. We regard the interest of that State to be quite as dependent upon the favor of Maryland as Maryland is upon her. In all that denotes vigor, growth of power, and capacity for great enterprise, Maryland is ahead of Virginia. Whilst our population in the last decade has increased twenty-five per cent., that of Virginia has not advanced over twelve. What we have accomplished in public works and in the extension of commercial activity, bears a still more favorable comparison in the estimate of the resources of the two States. Let us not so derogate from the influence and capability of our own State as to surrender our independence to the control of politicians who have as yet shown so little capacity in governing their own. In truth, we might, with good reason, reverse the affirmation of the argument we are considering, and say that Virginia should look to Maryland, and should adapt her policy, on this question of separation, to ours. She should at least consult the other Border States, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, as well as Maryland, and shape her course in conformity with their common views. When we speak of Virginia, there is another most significant question to be considered. To what portion of Virginia are we to attach our fortunes? Is it to that waning Eastern section which at present holds the political power over the State-that section whose population, scat Even if it should not be drawn again into that current, what has Baltimore to hope for? Will she import for the South, from the bead of the Chesapeake, whilst Norfolk lies on the margin of the sea at its mouth, with an admirable harbor, and with all the means of Western and Southern distribution by railroads that penetrate to the Mississippi and Ohio? Do old and sagacious merchants of Baltimore allow this delusion to seize their minds? Boys may prate about such things, but surely men of sense will repeat no such absurdity. But, we have heard it said, if Maryland be not a mem-tered over the region visited by the tide, is ber of the Southern Confederacy, Virginia, in time of war, may close all access to the Chesapeake against us. That is true. But if Maryland should be a member of that Confederacy, then the North, in time of war, may also shut up the Chesapeake against us; and not only that, but may also shut up our Western and Northern railroads. It may deny us the Ohio River; it may deny us access to Philadelphia, to New York-utterly obliterate not only our trade, but cut off our provisions. In the other case, Virginia could not do that, nor even impede our transit on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, as long as Western Virginia shall stand our friend, as assuredly it will if we are true to ourselves. The last argument popularly used in favor of the secession of Maryland, is that which asserts a necessity that compels us "to go as Virginia goes." It is supposed that the recent attempted secession of Virginia leaves us no choice. It is declared that our sympathies as well as our interests are with Virginia; in fact, that our fate is in her hands. If this were true, it would have been but a becoming decorum in Virginia | gradually declining. in numbers and losing its ascendency in the public affairs, and whose power at this day is founded rather upon the traditions of the past than upon any inherent capacity to govern? or is it to that vigorous and healthful Western Virginia, upon whom nature has lavished her bounty in the provision of all the elements of a prosperous and powerful community? Virginia is divided into two distinct sections, altogether different in physical quality and in moral character. The one teems with a redundant slave population, of which the excess is kept down by a continual drain of emigration to the South. Its habits are Southern, its affinities are for the South. These are not less nourished by the character of its labor than by the temper of its leading men-talented and impulsive and educated in strong sympathy with the Secession States. The other division includes the land of the mountaineer-a land of mineral wealth, of rapid streams, of fertile pastures, of bracing atmosphere, where the people have little dependence on slave labor, and who see in the resources of the soil and climate an invitation to all the varied industry of populous and thriving States. We of Maryland are solicited to associate ourselves with the first of these divisions. It is said our natural relationship is with them. We certainly have had abundant reason, in the past, to know that the governing power of Virginia does not reciprocate the favor of this relationship. Maryland has no more persistent and steady antagonism to her policy to contend against than she has ever found in the domination of this low country influence. Let those who have had the management of our public works, our railroad and canal, say what difficulties they have had to encounter in the hostility of Virginia to the grant of the smallest privilege or aid from that State; and let them describe how all solicitations have been refused until the friendly intercession of the Western counties, often baffled, has at last by peremptory demand secured us the grace of being permitted to expend millions of Maryland capital upon Virginia soil. The true friends and allies of our policy aro in the West. At this moment that region is making its protest against secession. It is a matter of the deepest moment that we should wisely appreciate this fact. It is not for us now to discuss the probable contingencies of the future, which may spring out of the state of opinion in the Western counties; but we shall not blindly adopt a policy in the present juncture, which may forever alienate them from the interest which makes them the guardians and protectors of our road and the ministers to our trade. The singular change of opinion which has recently brought Virginia into secession is one of the inexplicable things of the day. Time may perhaps prove it to be a forced assent obtained by the arts which have, everywhere in the seceding States, more or less subdued and coerced public opinion. At present the world can only perceive that "the Mother of States,' in spite of her protestations of independence, in spite of the contumely and insult heaped upon her, has succumbed to the dictation of Carolina-has been "dragged" into revolution, and compelled to an act of submission, by which she has surrendered her lofty position as a mediator in the national quarrel, and sunk into a secondary power in the new Confederacy. She is the first of the Border States that has given way. Let Maryland be the last to follow her example. We cannot forget that the Southern Confederacy has hitherto repudiated all connection with the Border States; that they were contemptuously repelled as unworthy of consultation. It is only now, when a severe experience has demonstrated the necessity of friends able both to pay and to fight, that these States are approached with flattering appeals to take a stand in the very front of war and bear the brunt of its worst assaults. We who never felt or professed any respect for their cause, who, indeed, accuse them of having produced all the difficulties and disgraces which have resulted from the recent Presidential Election, are now counselled to patient submission to this coercion, and even to embrace it with thankful avidity as an honorable duty. Virginia has placed herself at the head of the Submissionists, and men whom we have esteemed, here in Maryland, for their manhood, tell us we have no choice but to follow her example! I draw this view of our condition to a close by repeating my clear conviction that the interest and safety of Maryland coincide with her loyalty to the Union, that disunion is ruin to her. Let us not be moved by the taunt that we are aiding the Republican cause and vidicating the Administration of Mr. Lincoln. That is but the party vituperation of those who seek to frighten us by false clamor into an abandonment of our opposition to their own party schemes. We deplore the unfortunate ascendency of the Republican party; we censure the policy of the Administration. We may claim much more respect for our sincerity in this than our opponents are entitled to ask, since it is only by their machinations that the Republican party has won its ascendency, and by their desertion of their posts and their duty in Congress, that Mr. Lincoln's Administration has obtained any power to involve the country in the present commotion. In the stage at which the public embarrassments have now arrived, all the questions of the late canvass have disappeared. The country is aroused to the protection of the Union, to the defence of our system of government. The men who were most earnest in opposing the election of Mr. Lincoln, throughout the whole North and West, are united into a compact body, in a unanimous determination to vindicate the right of the people to the Union bequeathed to them by their fathers. Large numbers in the South, whose voices are suppressed by the despotism of party rule, have the same sentiment deeply impressed upon their hearts. The conservative Northern men who have come so sternly and with such alacrity to this duty of defence-a majority of the Northern people-will visit with indignant disgust the fanatical agitators of the slavery question, whose wicked pertinacity has raised this storm in the nation, and we shall hear no more of the wretched cant of the sin of slavery in the South. That abuse of the peace of the nation will be purged away by this commotion, if no other good result from it. On one side of us is a united nation of nineteen millions of people. On the other, a divided population of nine millions. We stand between them. If we remain true to the Union, we shall have protection and peace, and hereafter an easy settlement of all our complaints. If we desert the Union, we shall be driven into a Confederacy which has but little sympathy with our interests, and less power to protect | been an object for which I have labored at us against the ravage of the frequent wars which must inevitably arise between the two sections. The Southern Confederacy is essentially weak in the basis of its construction. It is founded on a principle which must lead to the ever-recurring dangers of new secessions, and the exhibition of a worse than Mexican anarchy. It may witness pronunciamientoes upon every discontent, and the strife of parties ending in further disintegration. If the Border States go into that Confederacy, the opposition of material interests will soon develop the utter want of capacity in the new Government to secure its cohesion. Maryland, under any circumstances of peace or war, must soon become a free State, and she will then be found to be wholly ungenial to the principle upon which the Southern Confederacy is established. It would, therefore, not be long before she would be compelled to retire from the alliance, and become a suppliant for shelter under the wing of that old Union which in a rash moment she had abandoned. If she remain where she is, her example may influence the course of the other Border States which now are drawn to the verge of secession, and with them may happily bring about a restoration of the whole Union. Four years hence, this Administration will give place to another. A popular, conservative President then elected will restore confidence to the whole country. The Union sentiment of the South will make itself heard in the remotest sections of the secession, and disenthralled from the domination that now forbids it to speak, it will once more assert its attachment to the Stars and Stripes. Let the true voice of our State now be heard on these questions. The Legislature now in session has one solemn duty to perform. It is to give the State an opportunity to declare its wish. Much has been said about the desire of Maryland to fall into the ranks of the Seceding States. There has been a great clamor for a Convention by those who have been anxious for secession. Let the Legislature now put the question to the people-Do you want a Convention, with power to declare Maryland out of the Union? Put that question, and we shall then know what part Maryland will take in the Great Drama. BALTIMORE, May 9, 1861, Doc. 250. SPEECH OF JOHN S. CARLILE, IN THE WHEELING CONVENTION, JUNE 14, 1861. I THINK, sir, that a moment's consideration will satisfy this Convention that upon this question there is at least no difference of opinion between the advocates of a separation of this State. If I may be allowed, I can claim some credit for my sincerity, when I say that it has least since the year 1850. The Convention that met in Richmond in that year and adopted our present State Constitution, clearly disclosed, to my mind, the utter incompatibility consistent with the interests of the people of North-western Virginia of remaining in a connection with the Eastern portion of the State. And, sir, the first favorable opportunity that discovered itself to mo for affecting that separation was in the Convention that met in this city in May last. And I appeal to members who are present, and who were members of that Convention, to say if I did not zealously press that measure. Why did I do it? For the reason which I then stated-for the reason that now prevents me doing it. I then stated that we were still citizens of the United States, according to even the theory of the Disunionists; that a separation could be effected then by the provision of the U. S. Constitution providing for it; but when the 23d of May came and went, and the sun had set behind the hills in the evening of that day, we would be transferred, according to the theory of the Secessionists, to another and different Confederacy, and would be deprived of the Constitution of the United States, and the mode and manner in which a separation could thereafter be effected under the authority of these Secessionists by virtue of that transfer, could only be by treaty and recognition; that although all Virginia should agree to the separation, yet she would have to obtain the consent of the Southern Confederacy, expressed in accordance with the Constitution which she has adopted for its government, be fore we could be allowed to transfer ourselves to what they would then call another, a different, and a hostile Government. I saw difficulties innumerable and insurmountable if we did not act then. But the wisdom of that body thought otherwise, and I gracefully, as I should, bowed to its decision. Now, sir, where are we? I call the attention of my friend from Monongalia, and I tell him if he beats me in this race of separation, he will have to be swifter than I think he is. We have no Legislature now; and mark you, it is only by the assent of the Legislature a separation can be effected. The people themselves, through their representatives assembled, cannot assent to a separation. It can only be done as is provided in the Constitution of the United States, by the assent of the Legislature of the State. Now, sir, have we a Legislature? Gov. Letcher would say that we have; and its members will be sworn to support the Constitution of the Southern Confederacy. Then you see in which we would have accomplished it. we can never effect a separation in the manner Now, sir, let us pursue the policy laid down in the declaration, and let us repudiate Letcher and his transfer; let us assemble a Legislature here of our own, sworn to support, not the Southern Confederacy Constitution, but that which Washington and Madison formed, the Constitution of our fathers, under which we have grown and prospered, as never people grew and prospered before. Let us maintain our position under that tree of Liberty, watered by the blood and tears of the patriots of the Revo-ing a crime, the greatest that has ever been lution-planted by them, its roots having taken deep and firm hold in the hearts of a great people, and having, from a little spot on earth, spread from the Atlantic to the Pacific, embracing, I might say, a continent, and spreading its branches of protection over the whole unbound ed land. Let us organize a Legislature, swearing allegiance to that Government, and let that Legislature be recognized by the United States Govvernment, as the Legislature of Virginia. Then we have still a direct recognition of the protecting care of our ancient Government, and then we will effect this separation. But now, with no Legislature recognized as owing allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, we could not do it. But with the Legislature recognized as still the Legislature of the State; with Virginia in the Union; with a Legislature recognized by the Government of the United States, and with its assent to our separation, our way is clear. And if the Southern Confederacy dares to interpose, we have the strong arm of that same old Government to be thrown around us, and to shelter us from harm. Let us then go on as we propose. Let us be recognized as the true and lawful authorities, speaking for and on behalf of the loyal people of the whole State of Virginia. Give us that recognition, and then the separation will come. And I here say that one of the first acts I shall perform, if no one else does it—and I believe it a duty I owe to the people who have honored me with a seat in Congress, will be to obtain from that body a legislative declaration recognizing this Legislature you will assemble here, as the Legislature of the State; and then let my friends, the representatives, assent to it, and my word for it, we will be the State of New Virginia. It is a mere question now whether we shall wait until we are solemnly recognized as the true, legal, constitutional representatives of the people of Virginia, or whether we shall now attempt an impossibility; for every man who will reflect a moment will know that, until rebellion is crushed, no assent will be attained for our separation from the rebellious portion of this State. But, sir, there is another object which I have at heart. Two great objects influence and govern my actions. The first, I am free to say the dearest, the highest, and the nearest my heart, is the perpetuity of the Union. Keeping forever undimmed the thirty-four stars that now deck the constellation of our national ensign, adding to them, as we have done, star after star-when that is done-when safety and perpetuity are again secured to that flag-then we can consider our own State interests; then we can consider the interests of | our own immediate section of this State; but until then, we owe it to our loyal brothers throughout the length and breadth of this great land, to stand by them and aid them in resistattempted to be perpetrated on humanity. Let us do this, succeed in this, and we will succeed in all we desire in a very short time. Let us bring peace again to our Loudon, Alexandria, and Hampshire friends. Let our brothers over the mountains, through our aid and assistance, and that of this great and good Government of ours, again see harmony throughout the land; again sit around their hearthstones with their families, and again instil, in the quiet hours of peace, the lessons the Father of his Country has bequeathed to us in his Farewell Address. Then we may say to them: "We love you still as brothers, but your interests and ways and ours are diverse. Let this line be drawn between us. We will have two separate and distinct sovereign States; but, brethren, we will be American citizens!" -N. Y. Tribune, Juno 20. Doc. 251. THE FIRST PRIVATEER. A REAL, but not very formidablo specimen of a privateer, sailing under the pirate flag of the Southern Confederacy, with a letter-ofmarque duly signed by Jeff. Davis, arrived at New York in charge of Midshipman McCook, and a prize crew from the U. S. frigate Minnesota, on the 15th of June. She is a "low black" schooner, but not "long," being only some fifty tons' measurement, with raking masts like a pilot-boat, and, for an old-fashioned vessel, is quite sharp, and is said to be a first-rate sailer. She has no name on the stern, but the word Savannah, in raised letters, on the front part of her trunk cabin, is no doubt the name of the vessel. She has been a Charleston pilot-boat, and for two years past was laid up in that port, condemned. She carries a formidable 18-pounder gun, mounted on a swivel amidships, and on each side of the mainmast are small open lockers for holding the ammunition for immediate use. In these lockers there were observed a quantity of hollow pointed shot, with grape, canister, and other missiles. The gun is of old English make, having a crown on the top, with figures denoting its rate, &c. There is a magazine in the after part, under the cockpit, containing a large quantity of ammunition of every description. She had on board, when she left Charleston, nominally provisions and water enough for a two weeks' cruise, but really sufficient for a much longer time. Her cabin is well supplied with small arms, such as cutlasses, of a rather antique pattern, hanging across each other on hooks driven up for the purpose, holsters and revolving pistols, old style, dirks, muskets, handcuffs, &c., such as might have furnished a respectable outfit for a pirate in the time of Robert Kidd. The after part, or cabin, was occupied by the commander and his associate pirates who ranked as officers, while the forward part of the hold was set apart for the pirates of second grade, and also answered as a cooking galley. There could scarcely be room for more than one-half of her crew below decks at a time. As soon as she came to anchor, Mr. McCook proceeded to the United States marshal's office, to surrender the prize to his custody. Among the officers in charge of the prize is Mr. Isaac Seeds, of New Jersey. Mr. Seeds states that he arrived at Charleston on the 12th of May, as mate of the schooner H. & J. Neil, of Baltimore, from Cardenas, with a cargo of molasses. This vessel was stopped by the secessionists, and in order to escape from the place, he went on board of an English schooner bound to Nassau. This vessel was stopped by the Minnesota as she was going to sea, and compelled to return, and discharge her cargo of rice. Mr. Seeds accordingly took refuge on board of the frigate Minnesota. He states that he saw the Savannah in the harbor of Charleston on the 30th of May, and heard the people of Charleston speaking of her as a privateer fitting out to cruise for merchant vessels. It was the intention to send her across the Gulf to Great Abaco, where she was to intercept vessels near the "Hole in the Wall," which might pass that way on the voyage to Cuba. Cargoes of provisions were to be particularly looked after. The little craft was observed lying at anchor under Fort Sumter, having the Confederate flag flying, and evidently in sea trim. Twelve to fifteen men were noticed on board. On the Sunday following, viz.: the 2d of May, the Minnesota, which is blockading off Charleston, had occasion to proceed to the southward in pursuit of a suspicious vessel, when the piratical craft seized the opportunity to emerge from the harbor by the north channel and sailed northward, in order to elude observation. Her movements were noticed on board the frigate, but as there were many little craft continually plying about the entrance to the port, she did not attract particular attention. On Monday, the 3d of May, the pirate fell in with the brig Joseph, of Rockland, Me., with a cargo of sugar, from Cardenas, Cuba, bound to Philadelphia, and consigned to Welch & Co. On seeing the Joseph, she set an American ensign in her main rigging, which is understood to be a signal to speak, for latitude and longitude, or any other purpose. When the Joseph had come within speaking distance, the commander of the pirate ordered the captain to lower his boat and come on board of the schooner. As soon as the captain had come on board, he was told that his vessel was a prize under authority of the Confederate States of America, his vessel being fitted out by authority of the Confederate States to seize all American vessels. He found on the pirate schooner twentytwo men, including officers. Resistance was useless, and they submitted as prisoners, the captain being detained on board of the schooner, while the crew of the Joseph was allowed to remain on their own vessel. A prize crew of eight armed men, with muskets, cutlasses, bowie-knives, and revolvers, were put on board. The brig was sent into Georgetown, S. C. About 5 P. M. of the same day, the brig Perry hove in sight, the schooner running for the Perry, under the belief that they had another merchant prize ahead. Their surprise can be imagined when they discovered that the vessel was one of Uncle Sam's men-of-war, and that they were already in her power. The pirate immediately hauled on a wind, and endeavored to escape by sharp sailing, believing that they could thus run away from the Perry. This was at 5 o'clock P. M. The Perry set all sail and took chase after the little pirate, firing her guns to bring her to. The Savannah returned four shots, which passed over the Perry, one shot going through the rigging, but without doing her any damage. At 1 o'clock A. M., the Perry had hauled close on to the pirate, and ordered her to heave to, when the schooner lowered down all her sails, and the officers ran below. The Perry lowered away her two quarter boats, and in a few minutes more, men were alongside and sprang upon the pirate's deck. The men came forward and surrendered their side-arms, and in a moment more the leaders also came out of the cabin and gave themselves up. They were ordered into the Perry's boats, and in a short time were transferred to that vessel. The men were ironed and the officers put under guard. A prize crew was put in charge, and the captured vessel followed the Perry to Charleston Bar, where they met the Minnesota on Thursday, at 4 P. M. Here the prisoners were transferred to the Minnesota, and the schooner was handed over to her commander. On Friday night, Midshipman McCook, with a crew from the same vessel, was ordered to carry the schooner to New York. One of the parties on board the Savannah is a young man hailing from New York, who represents that he was impressed on board of the privateer while unconscious. He had been two months in the hospital in Charleston, and from appearances he is very much broken down in health, and the last man who would adopt privateering as a profession. He states that the name of the captain of the schooner was Baker, and that he had been in the Chilian navy. The other officers were a Commissary, Lieutenant, PrizeMaster, and Navigator, whose names he did not know. He refuses to give his own name, but says he is a Northern man with Northern sentiments. -N. Y. Times, June 16. |