Doc. 229. the civil power, to relieve the oppressed, and to LETTER FROM LORD JOHN RUSSELL retake that which is unlawfully held. TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY. THE following is a copy of the letter laid before the House of Commons by Lord John Russell: FOREIGN OFFICE, June 1, 1861. "To the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty: "My Lords:-Her Majesty's Government are, as you are aware, desirous of observing the strictest neutrality in the contest which appears to be imminent between the United States and the so-styled Confederate States of North America; and with the view more effectually to carry out this principle, they propose to interdict the armed vessels, and also the privateers of both parties, from carrying prizes made by them into ports, harbors, roadsteads, or waters of the United Kingdom, or any of Her Majesty's colonies or possessions abroad. "I have accordingly to acquaint your lordships that the Queen has been pleased to direct that orders, in conformity to the principle above stated, should forthwith be addressed to all proper authorities in the United Kingdom, and to Her Majesty's naval and other authorities in all quarters beyond the United Kingdom, for their guidance in the circumstances. "I have, &c., J. RUSSELL." Similar letters have been addressed to the Secretaries of State for India, War, and the Colonies. -Baltimore American, June 18. Doc. 230. GEN. PATTERSON'S PROCLAMATION. HEAD QUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF PENN., CHAMBERSBURG, (Pa.,) June 3, 1861. To the United States Troops of this Department. THE restraint which has necessarily been imposed upon you, impatient to overcome those who have raised their parricidal hands against our country, is about to be removed. You will soon meet the insurgents. You are not the aggressors. A turbulent faction, misled by ambitious rulers, in times of profound peace and national prosperity, have occupied your forts and turned the guns against you; have seized your arsenals and armories, and appropriated to themselves Government supplies; have arrested and held prisoners your companions marching to their homes under State pledge of security, and have captured vessels and provisions voluntarily assured by State legislation from molestation, and now seek to perpetuate a reign of terror over loyal citizens. They have invaded a loyal State, and intrenched themselves within its boundaries in defiance of its constituted authorities. You are going on American soil to sustain You must bear in mind you are going for the good of the whole country, and that, while it is your duty to punish sedition, you must protect the loyal, and, should the occasion offer, at once suppress servile insurrection. Success will crown your efforts; a grateful country and a happy people will reward you. By order of Major-General Patterson. F. J. PORTER, Ass't Adj. General. -National Intelligencer, June 6. Doc. 231. THE FIRST SCOTT LIFE GUARD. THE following is a list of the officers of the Fourth Regiment New York Volunteers, or First Scott Life Guard: Col., Alfred W. Taylor; Lieut.-Col., John D. McGregor; Major, Wm. Jameson; Adjt., Wm. Henriques; Quartermaster, James M. Bayles. Company A-Capt., Joseph Henriques; First Lieut., I. Lenoske; Second Lieut., James Walker. Company B-Capt., John S. Downs; First Lieut., Fogarty; Second Lieut., Thornton. Company C-Capt., James Mooney; First Lieut., Henry Rasco; Second Lieut., T. C. Shiblee. Company D-Capt., Cruger; First Lieut., Smith; Second Lieut., Schafer. Company E-Capt., Wm. B. Pariesen; First Lieut., Moulton; Second Lieut., Wynne. Company F-Capt., J. H. H. Camp; First Lieut., McDonald; Second Lieut., Bosworth. Company G— Capt., John B. Brahams; First Lieut., Seaton; Second Lieut., Parker. Company H-Capt., John Quinn; First Licut., Metcalfe; Second Lieut., Bowers. Company J-Capt., Houstani; First Lieut., Wm. Walsh; Second Lieut., Godfrey. Company K-Capt., Constantine; First Lieut., Rodman; Second Lieut., Hep burn. THIRD REGIMENT N. Y. VOLUNTEERS. The following is a list of the officers: Frederick Townsend, Colonel, Albany; S. M. Alford, Lieut.-Col., Albany; George D. Bayard, Major, West Point; J. Owen Moore, Adjutant, Albany; J. H. Chase, Quartermaster, Albany; A. H. Haff, M. D., Surgeon, Albany; J. J. Van Rensselaer, Assistant-Surgeon, Albany; A. G. White, Quartermaster Sergeant, Albany; Aug. Limburger, Sergeant Major, Brooklyn; Francis Schoppelrei, Drum Major, Albany; Charles Gates, Fife Major, Albany. Company 1 (Brooklyn)—Capt., A. Smith; Lieut., J. J. Fay; Ensign, M. A. Stearns. Company 2 (Albany)-Capt., H. S. Hurlbert; Lieut., W. N. S. Saunders; Ensign, T. E. Lord. Company 3 (Syracuse)-Capt., J. G. Butler; Lieut., Chas. Burdick; Ensign, Jay Wicks. Company 4 (Oneida)-Capt., E. S. Jenny; Lieut., Wm. E. Blake; Ensign, Leon H. Ballard. Company 5 (Albany)-Capt., E. G. Floyd; Lieut., George Van Vechten; Ensign, G. E. | dissolving our connection with the Federal GovMink. Company 6 (Oswego)-Capt., J. S. Catlin; Lieut., Wm. S. Couch; Ensign, T. M. Stone. Company 7 (Albany)-Capt., J. W. Blanchard; Lieut., B. B. Walen; Ensign, R. M. Good wait. Company 8 (Havana)-Capt., J. E. Mulford; Lieut., W. N. Babcock; Ensign, E. S. Tuthill. Company 9 (Albany)-Capt., J. H. Teneyck, jr.; Lieut., Henry Cooper; Ensign, R. H. Chapin. Company 10 (Newburgh)-Capt., S. W. Fullerton, jr.; Lieut., E. J. Jones; Ensign, Alexander Mann. -N. Y. Tribune, June 4. Doc. 232. RECTOR'S PROCLAMATION. HEAD-QUARTERS THIRD BRIGADE, FIRST DIVISION, FORT SMITH, May 4, 1861. 1. THE authority of the United States has ceased upon this frontier. 2. All persons claiming to interpose in public in the name and by the authority of the United States on this frontier, will be arrested and placed in the guard-house for examination. 3. Captain Perkins will take possession of the records and other property of the late United States Court at Van Buren, Arkansas, and place the keys in the custody of the Circuit Court Clerk of Crawford county, Arkansas. 4. Stationery and twenty minutes' time will be allowed the attachés of said court, should they desire, to write their resignations. 5. All persons in possession of public property, taken without proper authority, are required to report the same immediately to the Assistant Adjutant-General at head-quarters of this command, and all arms or other property belonging to the United States will be seized. By order of Gen. N. B. Burrow, Cominanding. W. F. RECTOR, Assistant Adjutant-General. -N. Y. Herald, June 6. Doc. 233. GEN. PRICE'S PROCLAMATION. HEAD-QUARTERS MISSOURI GUARDS, JEFFERSON CITY, June 4. To the Brigadier-Generals commanding the sereral military districts in Missouri: ernment there was no reason whatever for disturbing the peace and tranquillity of Missouri. I have, therefore, desired, and such I am authorized to say has been, and still is, the desire of the Chief Executive, under whose orders I acted, that the people of Missouri should exercise the right to choose their own position in any contest which might be forced upon them, unaided by any military force whatever. Their right to bear arms in defence of themselves and of their State cannot be questioned, secured, as it is, both by the Constitution of the United States and of this State. For the purpose, therefore, of securing to the people of Missouri a free exercise of their undoubted rights, and with a view to preserve peace and order throughout the State, an agreement has been entered into between General Harney and myself, which I consider alike honorable to both parties and Governments represented. The Federal Government, however, has thought proper to remove Gen. Harney from the command of the Department of the West, but as the successor of Gen. Harney will certainly consider himself and his Government in honor bound to carry out this agreement in good faith, I feel assured that his removal should give no cause of uneasiness to our citizens for the security of their liberties and property. I intend, on my part, to adhere both in its spirit and to the letter. The rumor in circulation, that it is the intention of the officers now in command of this Department to disarm those of our citizens who do not agree in opinion with the Administration at Washington, and put arms in the hands of those who in some localities of this State are supposed to sympathize with the views of the Federal Government, are, I trust, unfounded. The purpose of such a movement could not be misunderstood, and it would not only be a violation of the agreement referred to, and an equally plain violation of our constitutional right, but a gross indignity to the citizens of the State, which would be resisted to the last extremity. My wish and hope is, that the people of the State of Missouri be permitted in peace and security to decide upon their future course, and so far as my abilities can effect this object, it shall be accomplished. The people of Missouri cannot be forced, under the terrors of a military invasion, into a position not of their free choice. To correct misrepresentation and prevent all A million of such people as the citizens of misunderstanding of my opinions and intentions Missouri were never yet subjugated, and, if atin reference to the military trust confided to me tempted, let no apprehensions be entertained by the Government of Missouri, I desire to of the result. I enjoin upon you, gentlemen, state to you and to the people generally that to see that all citizens, of whatever opinions in my past and present position as a private citi-politics or religion, be protected in their perzen, as a member of our State convention, and sons and property. as a military commander, and my influence, have been exerted to prevent the transfer of the seat of war from the Atlantic States to our own State. Having taken no steps towards STERLING PRICE, Major-General Commanding. -N. Y. World, June 5. Doc. 234. BEAUREGARD'S PROCLAMATION. HEAD-QUARTERS, DEPT OF ALEXANDRIA, Camp Pickens, June 5, 1861. have been foisted upon the public by some enemy of Gen. Beauregard. The publication is credited, however, to the Richmond Enquirer, and therefore leaves no doubt of its being official. Without venturing any lengthy com the prominent leaders of that side are driven to such methods of widening the breach between the sections, the cause must be low down which requires such disreputable and untruthful means to "breath into it the breath of A PROCLAMATION.-To the People of the Coun-ments upon it, we beg leave to suggest that if ties of Loudon, Fairfax, and Prince William. A RECKLESS and unprincipled tyrant has invaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless of all moral, legal, and constitutional restraints, has thrown his Abolition hosts among you, who are murdering and imprisoning your citizens, confiscating and destroying your property, and committing other acts of violence and outrage, too shocking and revolting to humanity to be enumerated. All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their banners, that their war-cry is "BEAUTY AND BOOTY." All that is dear to man-your honor and that of your wives and daughters-your fortunes and your lives, are involved in this momentoas contest. In the name, therefore, of the constituted authorities of the Confederate States-in the sacred cause of constitutional liberty and selfgovernment, for which we are contending-in behalf of civilization itself, I, G. T. Beauregard, Brigadier-General of the Confederate States, commanding at Camp Pickens, Manassas Junction, do make this my Proclamation, and invite and enjoin you by every consideration dear to the hearts of freemen and patriots, by the name and memory of your Revolutionary fathers, and by the purity and sanctity of your domestic firesides, to rally to the standard of your State and country; and, by every means in your power, compatible with honorable warfare, to drive back and expel the invaders from your land. I conjure you to be true and loyal to your country and her legal and constitutional authorities, and especially to be vigilant of the movements and acts of the enemy, so as to enable you to give the earliest authentic information at these head-quarters, or to the officers under my command. I desire to assure you that the utmost protection in my power will be given to you all. G. T. BEAUREGARD, Brigadier-General Commanding." Official-THOMAS JORDAN, Acting Assistant Adj't-General. -Richmond Enquirer. The most objectionable of all the pronunciamientos of the Secessionists that has come under our notice, since the beginning of the contest, is the Proclamation of Gen. Beauregard to certain "good people" in Virginia. How any man of his standing could put his name to such a production we are at a loss to conceive. We would fain hope that it is not genuine. We would fain believe that so gross and unwarranted a misrepresentation of the purposes of the United States Government must life." The particular passage to which we would call the especial attention of our readers is a tolerably fair parallel to a paragraph we gave the other day from a speech made by ex-Gov. Wise, in which he invites the people of Virginia to "wade through a path of blood." Gen. Beauregard says: "A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has invaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless of all moral, legal, and constitutional restraints, has thrown his Abolition hosts among you, who are murdering and imprisoning your citizens, confiscating and destroying your property, and committing other acts of violence and outrage, too shocking and revolting to humanity to be enumerated. All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their banners, that their war-cry is Beauty and Booty. All that is dear to man-your honor and that of your wives and daughters-your fortunes and your lives, are involved in this momentous contest." the offer of General Butler to put down "serWe cannot avoid contrasting with the above vile insurrections" in his first landing at Annapolis, and the subsequent address of General Patterson to the Pennsylvania troops, that it might be their duty to "suppress servile insurrections." Can the people of Virginia be imposed upon by such productions as this of General Beauregard's? Can any intelligent community in the South be thus cheated into madness? Surely if they can be, they are to be pitied, and we have only to say that so poor a compliment paid by any high functionary to the intelligence of the people of Maryland, would receive their scorn and reprobation. -Baltimore American, June 18. Doo. 235. NINTH REGIMENT N. Y. VOLUNTEERS. COLONEL, Rush C. Hawkins; Lieutenant-Colonel, George F. Betts; Major, Edwin A. Kimball; Adjutant, James W. Evans; Quartermaster, Henry H. Elliott, Jr.; Paymaster, Thomson P. McElrath; Chaplain, Conway; Surgeon, James H. Humphreys; Assistant Surgeon, Company A-Captain, Andrew Graham; First Lieutenant, Charles Child; Ensign, J. Klingsoehr. Company B-Captain, William Barnett; First Lieutenant, George A. C. Bar- -N. Y. World, June 6. Doc. 236. LETTER OF CASSIUS M. CLAY TO THE LONDON TIMES. To the Editor of the Times: SIR: Allow me your journal to make a few remarks upon the complications of the United States of America, which, I am surprised to find, are so little understood this side of the Atlantic. "State sovereignty" is utterly delusive. We gave up the old "confederation" to avoid just such complications as have now occurred. The States are by our Constitution deprived of all the rights of independent sovereigns, and the National Government acts not through State organizations, but directly upon the citizens of the States themselves-to that highest of power, the right of life and death. The States cannot keep an army, or navy, or even repel invasion, except when necessity will not allow time for national action; can make no treaty, nor coin money, nor exercise any of the first great essential powers of "sovereignty." In a word, they can no more "secede" from the Union than Scotland or Ireland can secede from England. The professed friends of the independence. of nations and popular rights, they have not only overthrown the Constitution of the United States, but the constitution of the "Confederate States," themselves, refusing in every case to refer their new usurpations to the votes of the people, thus making themselves doubly traitors to both the States and the nation. The despotic rulers over four millions of enslaved Africans, they presume to extend over us, the white races of all nations, the same despotism, by ignoring the political rights of all but their own class, by restrictions upon the popular franchise, by the suppression of the freedom of speech and of the press, by the terrorism of "Lynch-law," or tyrannical enactments, backed by standing armies, to crush out the independence of thought, the ineradicable instincts of our world-wide humanity-with the atrocious dogma that negro slavery is the only basis of conservatism and progressive civilization; and that the true solution of the contest of all time between labor and capital is that capital should own the labor, whether white or black. The success of such demands would send the tide of barbarism not only over the millions of the New World and the isles of the western oceans, but roll it back over England and emancipated Europe, and blot out from history this the greatest glory of our times. 1. "What are we fighting for?" "We, the people of the United States of America," (to use the language of our Constitution,) are fighting to maintain our nationality and the principles of liberty upon which it was founded; that nationality which Great Britain has pledged herself, both by past comity and the sacred obligations of treaty, to respect; those great principles of liberty, that all power is derived from the consent of the governed; trial by jury, freedom of speech, and the press; that without law there is no liberty "which we inherited from Great Britain herself, and which, having been found to lie at the base of all progress and civilization, we desire to perpetuate for ourselves and the future of all nations. 2. "But can you subdue the revolted States?" The so-called "Confederate States of America" Of couse we can. The whole of the revolted rebel against us-against our nationality, and States (2,173,000) have not as much white against all the principles of its structure. Citi- population as the single State of New York zens of the United States-of the one Govern-|(3,851,563) by 1,500,000 people. If all the ment (not of Confederated States, as they would have the world believe-but of "us, the people,") they propose, not by common legal consent, but by arms, to sever our nation into separate independencies. Claiming to "be let alone," they conspire against us; seize by force our forts, stores, and arms; appropriate to themselves our mints, moneys, and vessels at sea; capture our armies, and threaten even the capital at Washington! The word "secession " is used to cover up treason and delude the nations. They stand to us in the relation of one "people: " the idea of slave States were to make common cause, they have only 8,907,894 whites, with 4,000,000 slaves, while the Union has about 20,000,000 of homogeneous people, as powerful in peace and war as the world has seen. Intelligent, hardy, and "many-sided,” their late apparent lethargy and weakness was the self-possession of conscious strength. When they had made up their minds that force was necessary, they moved upon Washington with such speed, numbers, and steadiness as is not surpassed in history. We have the money, (at a lower rate of interest than ever before,) the men, and the command of the seas, and the internal waters. We can blockade them by sea, and invade them by land, and close up the rebellion in a single year, if we are "let alone!" For the population of the slave States is divided, perhaps equally, for and against the Union-the loyal citizens being for the time overawed by the organized conspiracy of the traitors, while the North is united to a man, the late allies of the South-the democratic party-being now more earnest for the subjugation of the rebels than the republicans. We are the best customer of England; not because we are cotton-growers or cotton-spinners, agriculturists or manufacturers, but because we are producers and manufacturers, and have money to spend. It is not the South, as it is urged, but the North who are the best consumers of English commerce. The free white laborer and capitalist does now, and always will, consume more than the white master and the slave. The Union and the expansion of the States and the republican policy make us the best market for England and Europe. 3. "But can you govern a 'subjugated' peo- What has the world to gain-England, France, ple and reconstruct the Union?" We do not or any of the powers to gain-by reducing the propose to "subjugate" the revolted States United States to a Mexican civilization? we propose to put down simply the rebel citi- 3. "Can England afford to offend the great zens. We go to the rescue of the loyal Union-nation which will still be The United States ists of all the States. We carry safety, and of America,' even should we lose part of the peace, and liberty to the Union-loving people South?" Twenty millions of people to-day, of the South, who will of themselves (the with or without the slave States, in twenty tyranny overthrown) send back their represent-years we will be 40,000,000! In another half atives to Congress, and the Union will be "re- century we will be one hundred millions. We constructed" without a change of a letter in the will rest upon the Potomac, and on the west Constitution of the United States. Did Eng- banks of the Mississippi River, upon the Gulf of land subjugate Ireland and Scotland? Are the Mexico. Our railroads will run four thousand united kingdoms less homogeneous than of old, miles upon a single parallel, binding our empire, before the wars against rebellion? So will the which must master the Atlantic and the Pacific United States rise from the smoke of battle oceans. Is England so secure in the future with renewed stability and power. In turn, against home revolt or foreign ambition as to now let us ask the British public some questions. venture now in our need to plant the seeds of 1. "Where should British honor place her in revenge in all our future? this contest?" We overthrow that political element in America which has all through our history been the studied denouncer and real hater of the British nation, while we have been always from the beginning the friends of England. Because, though under different forms of government, we had common sympathies, and a common cause, and, therefore, a common interest. England was the conservator of liberty in Europe-the old world; we in the new. If the "Confederate States are right, then is England wrong. If slavery must be extended in America, then must England restore it in the West Indies, blot out the most glorious page of her history, and call back her freedmen into chains! Let her say to the martyrs of freedom from all the nations who have sought refuge and a magnanimous defence on her shores, return to your scaffold and your prison-house; England is no more England. Let the Times cease to appeal longer to the enlightened opinion of the world: nay, let the statues of the great dead, through which I passed in reverence yesterday, to the Houses of her political intelligence, be thrown from their pedestals, when England shall forget the utterances of her Chathams, her Wilberforces, and her Broughams-that natural justice is the only safe diplomacy and lasting foundation of the independence of nations. If Ireland, or Scotland, or Wales shall attempt to secede from that beneficent government of the United Kingdom which now lightens their taxation and gives them security and respect at home and abroad, shall we enter into a piratical war with our race and ally, and capture and sell in our ports the property, and endanger the lives of peaceable citizens of the British empire all over the world? I enter not into the discussion of details. England, then, is our natural ally. Will she ignore our aspirations? If she is just, she ought not. If she is honorable and magnanimous, she cannot. If she is wise, she will not. Your obedient servant, C. M. CLAY, United States Minister Plenipotentiary, &c., to St. Petersburg. Mortley's, London, May 17. THE REPLY OF THE TIMES. We call attention to the letter of Mr. Clay, Minister from the United States to St. Petersburg. This lively letter-writer proposes six questions-three relating to his own country, three relating to England. The first question he is more successful in asking than answering "What are we fighting for?" "We are fighting," says Mr. Clay, "for nationality and liberty." We can understand a fight for nationality between different races, but a fight for nationality between men of the same nation2. "What is the interest of England now?"ality is to us, we candidly confess it, an inexIf we may descend to such inferior appeals, it is clearly the interest of England to stand by the Union of the States. We are her best consumer; no tariff will materially affect that fact. plicable enigma; nor can we better understand how a people, fighting to put down rebellion, to force their fellow-citizens to remain in a Confederacy which they detest, and to submit |