hoods; and in fact no doubt remains of there | for many weeks past formed themselves into being a strong antagonism of parties in the companies, and got themselves drilled and Slave States-a circumstance important in the armed-refused at present a place in the loyal highest degree to the prospects of the war. If forces, but resolved to be ready for the call, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri are divided which they believe will come. The authorities, between allegiance and Secession, the probabil- of Pennsylvania have refused a passage through ity is that other Slave States are also divided. their State to companies of free negroes from At all events, while opinion is not free, the New England and New York; but the black Montgomery Government cannot be entitled to volunteers extend their organization week by affirin that they are not. week. They are not a very large element in the population; but they avow their determination to offer themselves to a man, leaving only the infirm and children out of their training system. They certainly believe that the question is that of the abolition of Slavery; and their preparation has the religious fervor and solemnity which befit such an occasion as the redemption of their race. Under such circumstances, the mood of the slaves becomes a very interesting inquiry. Thus far, the most certain fact is, that wherever any Federal force has appeared, slaves have deserted to them at every opportunity. Hitherto, they have been all returned. It was so in Maryland, and it was so in Florida; and we hear the same story from every station of the United States troops. After the first collision in the field there will be an end of returning deserters; and the fugitives will be too useful as guides and aids to be slighted. The despatch of Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, shows the changing_feeling of the North on this point of policy. It is asserted with so much detail as to have every appearance of truth, that mounted bands are trained in various States, and especially in the North-west, for the purpose of running off slaves, and, if necessary, of raising them in insurrection. We hear of an insurrection in Kentucky; and whether it is true or not we shall hear of more, both because the owners are always fancying plots, and because the slaves seize every occasion of relaxed supervision to help themselves to what it pleases them to take and to do. At present the known facts are that the free blacks are prepared to take a part in the war, and that there is a purpose on the part of these blacks and their friends to use the opportunity for putting an end to the captivity of their race. There are incidents connected with this which lead us to the fourth consideration.

In the second place, it is known with clearness and certainty, that there is a serious deficiency of food in the Slave States. For many years it has ceased to be true that the South excelled the North in agricultural productioneven including cotton and tobacco in the estimate; and of late the cereal growth of the Western Free States has increased prodigiously, while, in the South, great expanses of corn land have been given over to cotton growing, though food was brought down from the Northwest. Northern food products have for some years been on sale in every Southern city. At present there is severe scarcity--amounting in some places to famine-in Mississippi; and we have seen before what efforts have been made to obtain grain and other food on credit since the winter. The Federal forces and the loyalists of Illinois now hold the passage of the Mississippi, aided by Missouri loyalists, and no cargoes can pass Cairo. The blockade by sea being by this time complete, it is difficult to see how the war can be supported while the Southern corn crop is growing. Strong appeals, we observe, are made to the planters to grow corn instead of cotton this year; but, beside that the crops have to grow, there is no getting any work done on the plantations. The owners are summoned to the war, with all sons above sixteen; and even their overseers are not often allowed to remain, however strong are the remonstrances of the proprietors. Thus, left to the management of old gentlemen, boys, or ladies, and taking advantage of the general excitement, the negroes are beginning to make holiday; and if the community depends on them for its food, it is likely to suffer hunger. Whatever may be the fact about the existing supply in particular places, the fact of dearth in any one State, while all access to food markets is cut off, points to a short duration of the

war.

In the third place, there is the question of the negroes, free and bond. In the South the free negroes are anxiously and peremptorily summoned to the war. Their money is invested in Southern loans, and they are put under drill as soldiers, or set to work on fortifications. Their zeal is extolled in the newspapers, but their Northern kindred well understand that they are thus to be kept out of mischief. There is little expectation of seeing them on any battle-field; but if they appear, it will not be, their kindred say, to fight with their best friends. In the free States the people of color are eager to help on the loyal side. They have

The fourth consideration is of the quality of the Southern army. What sort of soldiers the Northern men will make we can hardly judge by facts. It is the boast of the South that the force for the Mexican war was furnished chiefly by that section; and the assertion is ratified by the Northern boast that the free States supplied a very small force to that atrocious war, and that that contingent consisted mainly of the adventurer class, who are always sent away to a distance with great alacrity. Except in the Seminole war in Florida, the Northern men have hardly appeared in the field at all, and there they contrasted most favorably with the Southern troops. They little knew what

How can this be done? As a political ques- | Lieutenant, R. Wiggins; Second Lieut., Dean. tion and a question of humanity, can I receive the services of a father and a mother and not take the children? Of the humanitarian aspect I have no doubt; of the political one I have no right to judge. I therefore submit all this to your better judgment; and, as these questions have a political aspect, I have ventured-and I trust I am not wrong in so doing -to duplicate the parts of my despatch relating to this subject, and forward them to the Secretary of War.

Your obedient servant,

Lieutenant-General Scott.

BENJ. F. BUTLER.

-N. Y. Times, June 2

SECRETARY OF WAR TO GENERAL BUTLER.

WASHINGTON, May 80, 1861.

Company B-First Lieut., Tilden, command-
ing; Second Lieut., Wardwell. Company C-
Capt., Jones; First Lieut., Skinner; Second
Lieut., Merill. Company D-Capt., Sampson;
First Lieut., Sturdevant; Second Lieut., Kitt-
ridge. Company E-Capt., Emmerson; First
Lieut., Adams; Second Lieut., Richardson.
Company F-Capt., Chaplin; First Lieut., Wil-
son; Second Lieut., Boynton. Company G-
Capt., Sargent; First Lieut., Gettiell; Second
Lieut., Morse. Company H-Capt., Meinicke;
First Lieut., Farnham; Second Lieut., Garnsay.
Company I-Capt., Carroll; First Lieut., Casey;
Second Lieut., Sweeney. Company K-Capt.,
Foss; First Lieut., Fellows; Second Lieut.,
Cowan.
-National Intelligencer, June 3.

Doc. 217.

MR. W. H. RUSSELL'S LETTERS,

OF APRIL 30 AND MAY 1.

SIR: Your action in respect to the negroes who came within your lines, from the service of the rebels, is approved. The Department is sensible of the embarrassments, which must surround officers conducting military operations in a State, by the laws of which slavery is THE STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA, April 30. sanctioned. The Government cannot recog- NOTHING I could say can be worth one fact nize the rejection by any State of its Federal which has forced itself upon my mind in referobligation, resting upon itself, among these Fed-ence to the sentiments which prevail among eral obligations. However, no one can be more important than that of suppressing and dispersing any combination of the former for the purpose of overthrowing its whole constitutional authority. While, therefore, you will permit no interference, by persons under your command, with the relations of persons held to service under the laws of any State, you will, on the other hand, so long as any State within which your military operations are conducted, remain under the control of such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering to alleged masters any persons who come within your lines. You will employ such persons in the services to which they will be best adapted, keeping an account of the labor by them performed, of the value of it, and the expenses of their maintenance. The question of their final disposition will be reserved for future determi

the gentlemen of this State. I have been among them for several days. I have visited their plantations, I have conversed with them freely and fully, and I have enjoyed that frank, courteous, and graceful intercourse which constitutes an irresistible charm of their society. From all quarters have come to my ears the echoes of the same voice; it may be feigned, but there is no discord in the note, and it sounds in wonderful strength and monotony all over the country. Shades of George III., of North, of Johnson, of all who contended against the great rebellion which tore these colonies from England, can you hear the chorus which rings through the State of Marion, Sumter, and Pinckney, and not clap your ghostly hands in triumph? That voice says, "If we could only get one of the royal race of England to rule over us, we should be content." Let there be no misconception on this point. That sentiment, varied in a hundred ways, has been repeated to me over and over again. There is a general admission that the means to such an end are wanting, and that the desire cannot be gratified. But the admiration for monarchical institutions on the English model, for privileged classes, and for a landed aristocracy and gentry, is undisguised and apparently genuine. THE following is a correct list of the officers: With the pride of having achieved their indeColonel, Charles Jameson; Lieutenant-Colo-pendence is mingled in the South Carolinians' nel, C. W. Roberts; Major, George Varacy; Ad-hearts a strange regret at the result and consejutant, John E. Reynolds; Quartermaster, C.quences, and many are they who "would go V. Lord; Assistant Quartermaster, L. H. Pierce; back to-morrow if we could." An intense afSurgeon, W. H. Allen; Assistant Surgeon, A. fection for the British connection, a love of G. Hamlin; (nephew of Vice-President Ham-British habits and customs, a respect for Britlin;) Chaplain, J. F. Mines; Sergeant-Major, E. ish sentiment, law, authority, order, civilizaL. Appleton. tion, and literature, preeminently distinguish the inhabitants of this State, who, glorying in

nation.

SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War. To Major-General Butler.

-N. Y. Tribune, May 81.

Doc. 216.

SECOND REG'T MAINE VOLUNTEERS.

Company A-Captain, H. Bartlett; First

"Im

va victis as that which may be heard before the fight has begun. There is nothing in all the dark caves of human passion so cruel and deadly as the hatred the South Carolinians profess for the Yankees. That hatred has been swelling for years, till it is the very life-blood of the state. It has set South Carolina to work steadily to organize her resources for the strug

their descent from ancient families on the three on if their deeds support their words. islands, whose fortunes they still follow, and mortal hate, the study of revenge" will actuate with whose members they maintain not unfre- every blow, and never in the history of the quently familiar relations, regard with an aver-world, perhaps, will go forth such a dreadful sion of which it is impossible to give an idea to one who has not seen its manifestations, the people of New England and the populations of the Northern States, whom they regard as tainted beyond cure by the venom of "Puritanism." Whatever may be the cause, this is the fact and the effect. "The State of South Carolina was," I am told, “founded by gentlemen." It was not established by witch-burninggle which she intended to provoke if it did not Puritans, by cruel persecuting fanatics, who come in the course of time. "Incompatibility implanted in the North the standard of Tor- of temper" would have been sufficient ground quemada, and breathed into the nostrils of their for the divorce, and I am satisfied that there newly-born colonies all the ferocity, blood- has been a deep-rooted design, conceived in thirstiness, and rabid intolerance of the Inquisi- some men's minds thirty years ago, and extion. It is absolutely astounding to a stranger tended gradually year after year to others', to who aims at the preservation of a decent neu-break away from the Union at the very first trality to mark the violence of these opinions. opportunity. The North is to South Carolina "If that confounded ship had sunk with those a corrupt and evil thing, to which for long — Pilgrim Fathers on board," says one, years she has been bound by burning chains, 66 we never should have been driven to these while monopolists and manufacturers fed on extremities!" "We could have got on with her tender limbs. She has been bound in a these fanatics if they had been either Christians Maxentian union to the object she loathes. or gentlemen," says another; "for in the first New England is to her the incarnation of moral case they would have acted with common char- and political wickedness and social corruption. ity, and in the second they would have fought It is the source of every thing which South when they insulted us; but there are neither Carolina hates, and of the torrents of free Christians nor gentlemen among them!" thought and taxed manufactures, of abolition"Any thing on earth!” exclaims a third, "any ism and of filibustering, which have flooded form of government, any tyranny or despotism the land. Believe a southern man as he believes you will; but"-and here is an appeal more himself, and you must regard New England terrible than the adjuration of all the Gods- and the kindred States as the birthplace of im"nothing on earth shall ever induce us to sub- purity of mind among men and of unchastity mit to any union with the brutal, bigoted black-in women-the home of free love, of Fourrierguards of the New England States, who neither ism, of infidelity, of abolitionism, of false teachcomprehend nor regard the feelings of gentle-ings in political economy and in social life; men! Man, woman and child, we'll die first." Imagine these and an infinite variety of similar sentiments uttered by courtly, well-educated men, who set great store on a nice observance of the usages of society, and who are only moved to extreme bitterness and anger when they speak of the North, and you will fail to conceive the intensity of the dislike of the South Carolinians for the free States. There are national antipathies on our side of the Atlantic which are tolerably strong, and have been unfortunately pertinacious and longlived. The hatred of the Italian for the Tedesco, of the Greek for the Turk, of the Turk for the Russ, is warm and fierce enough to satisfy the prince of darkness, not to speak of a few little pet aversions among allied powers and the atoms of composite empires; but they are all mere indifference and neutrality of feeling compared to the animosity evinced by the gentry" of South Carolina for the "rabble of the North."

The contests of Cavalier and Roundhead, of Vendean and Republican, even of Orangeman and Croppy, have been elegant joustings, regulated by the finest rules of chivalry, compared with those which North and South will carry Doc.-31

a land saturated with the drippings of rotten philosophy, with the poisonous infections of a fanatic press; without honor or modesty; whose wisdom is paltry cunning, whose valor and manhood have been swallowed up in a corrupt, howling demagogy, and in the marts of a dishonest commerce. It is the merchants of New York who fit out ships for the slave trade, and carry it on in Yankee ships. It is the capital of the North which supports, and it is the northern men who concoct and execute the filibustering expeditions which have brought discredit on the slaveholding States. In the large cities people are corrupted by itinerant and ignorant lecturers—in the towns and in the country by an unprincipled press. The populations, indeed, know how to read and write, but they don't know how to think, and they are the easy victims of the wretched impostors on all the 'ologies and 'isms who swarm over the region, and subsist by lecturing on subjects which the innate vices of mankind induce them to accept with eagerness, while they assume the garb of philosophical abstractions to cover their nastiness in deference to a contemptible and universal hypocrisy.

"Who fills the butchers' shops with large blue flies ?”