Confederate States; and the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to pay or cause to be paid to the owners, officers, and crews of such private armed vessels, commissioned as aforesaid, or their agent, the bounties herein provided. certificate pursuant to the preceding section of this act, then and in such cases the commissions or letters of marque and reprisal of such vessels shall be liable to be revoked; and such commander respectively shall forfeit for every such offence the sum of $1,000, one moiety thereof for the use of the Confederate States, and the other to the informer. SEC. 13. That the owners or commanders of vessels having letters of marque and reprisal as aforesaid, who shall violate any of the acts of congress for the collection of the revenue of the Confederate States, and for the prevention of smuggling, shall forfeit the commission or letters of marque and reprisal, and they and the vessels owned or commanded by them shall be liable to all the penalties and forfeitures attaching to merchant vessels, in like cases. SEO. 14. That on all goods, wares, and merchandise captured and made good and lawful prizes of war, by any private armed ship having commission or letters of marque and reprisal under this act, and brought into the Confederate States, there shall be allowed a reduction of 33 per cent. on the amount of duties imposed by law. SEC. 11. That the commanding officer of every vessel having a commission, or letters of marque and reprisal, during the present hostilities between the Confederate States and the United States, shall keep a regular journal, containing a true and exact account of his daily proceedings and transactions with such vessel and the crew thereof; the ports and places he shall put into, or cast anchor in; the time of his stay there, and the cause thereof; the prizes he shall take, and the nature and probable value thereof; the times and places, when and where taken, and in what manner he shall dispose of the same; the ships or vessels he shall fall in with; the times and places, when and where he shall meet with them, and his observations and remarks thereon; also, of whatever else shall occur to him, or any of his officers or marines, or be discovered by examination or conference with any marines or passengers of, or in any other ships or vessels, or SEC. 15. That five per centum on the net by any other means, touching the fleets, vessels amount (after deducting all charges and expenand forces of the United States; their posts ditures) of the prize money arising from capand places of station and destination, strength, tured vessels and cargoes, and on the net numbers, intents and designs; and such com- amount of the salvage of vessels and cargoes manding officer shall immediately on his arri- recaptured by the private armed vessels of the val in any port of the Confederate States, from Confederate States, shall be secured and paid or during the continuance of any voyage or over to the collector or other chief officer of cruise, produce his commission for such vessel, the customs at the port or place in the Conand deliver up such journal, so kept as afore- federate States at which such captured or resaid, signed with his proper name and hand-captured vessels may arrive, or to the consul or writing, to the collector or other chief officer of the customs at or nearest to such port; the truth of such journal shall be verified by the oath of the commanding officer for the time being; and such collector or other chief officer of the customs shall, immediately on the arrival of such vessel, order the proper officer of the customs to go on board and take an account of the officers and men, the number and nature of the guns, and whatever else shall occur to him on examination, material to be known; and no such vessel shall be permitted to sail out of port again until such journal shall have been delivered up, and a certificate obtained under the hand of such collector or other chief officer of the customs that she is manned and armed according to her commission; and, upon delivery of such certificate, any former certificate of a like nature which shall have been obtained by the commander of such vessel shall | PATRIOTIC be delivered up. SEC. 12. That the commanders of vessels having letters of marque and reprisal as aforesaid, neglecting to keep a journal as aforesaid, or wilfully making fraudulent entries therein, or obliterating the record of any material transactions therein, where the interest of the Confederate States is concerned, or refusing to produce and deliver such journal, commission, or other public agent of the Confederate States, residing at the port or place, not within the Confederate States, at which such captured or recaptured vessels may arrive. And the moneys arising therefrom shall be held, and are hereby pledged by the government of the Confederate States as a fund for the support and maintenance of the widows and orphans of such persons as may be slain, and for the support and maintenance of such persons as may be wounded and disabled on board of the private armed vessels commissioned as aforesaid in any engagement with the enemy, to be assigned and distributed in such manner as shall hereafter be provided by law. -Charleston Mercury, May 8. CONTRIBUTIONS TO MAY 7, 1861. Albany, N. Y. Doc. 141. $46,000 Burlington, N. J..... $4.000 4,000 Bordentown, N. J.... 3,000 5,000 Bradford, Vt....... 2,000 5,000 Bridgetown, N. J.... 1,000 5,000 Bedford, Mass.. 2.000 186,000 Bennington, Vt..... 10,000 75,000 Barre, Mass.. 2,000 81,000 Braintree, Mass.. 2,000 3,000 Bedford, N. Y.. 1,000 10,000 Brunswick, Me... 1,000 4,000 Binghamton, N. Y.... 10,000 110,000 Connecticut, State...2,000,000 Cincinnati.. Charlestown, Mass... Chicago, Ill.. Circleville, Ohio.. Cohasset, Mass. Clinton, N. Y Concord, Mass. Cass County, Ind.... Damariscotta, Me. Elizabeth, N. J. Elkhart, Ind.. 13,000 2,000 8,000 $250,000 Newark, N. J........$186,000 | been added from the Highlands, had not the 20,000 Norwich, Ct... 10,000 18,000 20,000 Pennsylvania, State .3,500,000 10,000 Philadelphia... 2,000 10,000 8,000 Plymouth, Mass. 11,000 Poughkeepsie, N. Y.. 8,000 Piqua, Ohio... 25,000 Paterson, N. J.. 15,000 Portland, Me... 10,000 Princeton, N. J.. 5,000 Palmyra, N. Y... 4,000 Quincy, Mass. 10,000 Rochester.. 10,000 Rockland, Me... 2,000 Salem, Mass.. 5,000 Schuylkill Co., Pa... 82,000 Troy, N. Y.. 6,000 Toledo, Ohio..... 2,000 Taunton, Mass.. 380,000 20,000 81,000 2,000 10,000 500,000 6,000 69,000 15,000 2,000 This order caused great consternation among the rank and file. They had enlisted in the hope of being engaged in the impending conflict, and expected to see actual service. Many of them had given up lucrative positions, left homes and families for the purpose of manifesting their patriotism for their country, and sustain the honor and integrity of the American flag. At seven o'clock, on the following evening, a special order was received from Washington, ordering them to at once proceed to the Capital. When this news was imparted to the troops 8,000 a scene of genuine enthusiasm ensued; cheer 3,000 upon cheer rang upon the air; the President, the Governor, General Scott, Colonel Pratt, 8,000 and in fact every name the troops could think of, was wildly cheered. 4,000 10,000 2,000 2,000 84,000 5,000 1,000 80,000 5,000 Colonel Pratt was deeply affected at the enthusiasm manifested by his men, and took no measures to check their outbursts of joy. After 6,000 order was restored, the commandant made a 48,000 few pithy remarks, thanking his regiment for 40,000 the manner in which they had undergone dis10,000 Utica, N. Y.. 20,000 appointments, and congratulated them on the 10,000 Upper Sandusky, O.. 2,000 Vermont, State......1,000,000 prospect of having an opportunity of showing of what material the Ulster county boys are composed. He said that his regiment would come back covered with glory. He also exonerated the State authorities from all blame in DEPARTURE OF THE 20TH REGIMENT, The regiment mustered 781 men, when they arrived, recruits to the number of twenty came on subsequently, and 300 at least might have keeping them back, and said that the principal reason for their being ordered home was the great number of organized regiments of militia offering, by which the Governinent was forced to decline one-half the tenders. A few encouraging words to the men, and the Colonel concluded by giving orders to be in marching order as soon as possible. The celerity with which the camp was placed in marching order is one of the very best evidences of what might be expected of this regiment in actual service. The train could not leave owing to the storm, and the men again bivouacked. At reveille the men were already in trim ready to take arms and march. A hearty and substantial breakfast was partaken of, and all the arrangements made necessary for the com. fort of the troops. The order to form in line was given at eight o'clock. After inspection by the officers and several military celebrities, who had assembled to witness their departure, the line of march was taken up, and the command wheeled out of the west gate of the Park, and filed down Broadway to Cortlandt street to the ferry. The offi cers were mounted on splendid chargers, and the general appearance of the regiment elicited considerable praise from the spectators. At | and protection. With this request I comply the depot a train was in readiness to take the with the truest pleasure. troops to Philadelphia. Field Officers.-Colonel, George W. Pratt; Lieutenant Colonel, Hiram Schoonmaker; Major, Theodore B. Yates. Staff Officers.-Adjutant, J. B. Hardenburgh; Engineer, D. T. Van Buren; Hospital Surgeon, (assigned to duty in the brigade,) A. Crispell; Surgeon, C. Leonard Ingersoll; Assistant Surgeon, Robert Longham; Quartermaster, John S. Giffin; Paymaster, P. T. Overbaugh; Commissary, W. Sonnsby; Chaplain, Rev. H. H. Reynolds. In this existing crisis of our country's fate every indication of a national, patriotic spirit is hailed with joy by every loyal heart. And when, as in this instance, it is exhibited by those whose thoughts are instinctively pure, having no partisan motives to influence them, no partisan prejudices to gratify, no petty ambition to subserve, no interest other than in their country's prosperity and good name, we rejoice at it even the more from a conviction that it must tend to strengthen the resolves of the loyal, encourage the hopes of the despondNon-commissioned Staff-Quartermaster Ser-ing, and bring to a pause the plottings of the geant, P. F. Hasbrouck; Sergeant of Infantry, rebellious. W. Webster Shaffer; Drum-Major, Geo. Myers; Fife-Major, A. Goller. Line Officers.-Company A, of Cairo, Greene county, First Lieutenant, A. G. Barker, commanding; Second Lieutenant, James Stevens. Company B, of Kingston, Captain G. H. Sharpe; First Lieutenant, Jacob Sharpe; Second Lieutenant, Cornelius Houghtaling. Company C, of Kingston, Captain, J. Rudolph Tappen; First Lieutenant, Walter W. Van Ranselaer; Second Lieutenant, Peter S. Voorhees. Company D, of Shokan, Ulster county, Captain, David Winne; First Lieutenant, John Hussy; Second Lieutenant, John W. Schoonmaker. Company E, of Ellensville, Ulster county, Captain, William Lent; First Lieutenant, Jacob A. Blackman; Second Lieutenant, Nicholas Sahen. Company F, of Rondout, Ulster county, Captain, P. J. Flynn; First Lieutenant, Edward O'Reilly; Second Lieutenant, John Murray. Company G, of Saugerties, Captain, J. S. Oakley; First Lieutenant, J. Tallmadge Hendricks; Second Lieutenant, Sylvanus W. Miller. Company H, of Rondout, Ulster county, Captain, John Duenbocker; First Lieutenant, Jerrie McIntire; Second Lieutenant, Lawrence Stock SPEECH OF REVERDY JOHNSON, AT FREDERICK, MD., MAY 7, 1861. MR. JOHNSON appeared upon the stand shortly before four o'clock, and, after an eloquent and fervent prayer by Rev. B. H. Creager, spoke as follows: Before doing the mere act I am delegated to perform, I hope you will consider the occasion as justifying a few thoughts as to the duty and interest of our State in the present emergency. In the original causes which have produced it she, thank God, had no share. Amongst the foremost and bravest in winning our independence; amongst the truest and wisest in forming our Government, and amongst the first in adopting it, her sons have uniformly given it a faithful and zealous support. No treasonable thought, so far as we know, ever entered the mind of one of them; certainly no threat of treason was ever whispered by them. They ever felt the immense advantage of the Union; they saw evidenced by every thing around them the blessings it conferred upon Maryland and upon all: prosperity unexampled, a national power increasing every year with a rapidity and to a degree never before witnessed in a nation's history, and winning for us a name challenging the respect and admiration of the world. They saw in the extent of the country, and the differences of climate and habits, elements of strength rather than of weakness, and apprehended therefore no parricidal efforts in any quarter to destroy the Government. If occasionally murmurs of dissatisfaction were heard elsewhere, they were attributed to the whining disposition of some and the disappointed ambition of others. They were ridiculed, subjected to no other punishment, but left to stand as "monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it." No "whiskey insurrection" ever occurred within our borders; no ordinance of nullification was ever threatened by us; and, if we continue true to patriotic duty, no ordinance of secession, direct or indirect, open or covert, will ever be adopted by those in authority, or, if madly adopted, be tolerated by the people. To this steadfast attachment to the Union we are not only bound by gratitude to the noble ancestry by whose patriotic wisdom it was bequeathed to us, and by the unappreciable blessI am before you by the request of the patri-ings the bequest has conferred upon us, but by otio Ladies of your city to present in their behalf a standard, the work of their hands, which they desire to intrust to your custody the assurance, which the most stolid intellect can hardly fail to feel, that its destruction would not only, and at once deprive us of all The truth is, and I regret sincerely to believe it, that fear of a violation of Southern rights was with the prompters of the rebellion but a pretence. these, but precipitate us into irreparable ruin. | eral Government, under the guarantees of the In this ruin all would more or less participate, Constitution, promptly to suppress physical but our geographical position would make it to force as an element of change, and to keep wide us immediate and total. A peaceable dissever- open the door for the free and full action of all ance the good and great men who have hereto- the moral elements in its power." fore guided our public councils ever predicted to be impossible. The proclamations now trumpeted through the land, the marshalling of hosts by thousands and tens of thousands, the whitening of our waters with an immense naval marine, the blockade of ports, the prostration of commerce, the destruction of almost all civil employment, the heated tone of the public press of all sections, belching forth the most bitter enmity, all, all testify to the truth of the prediction. How this is to result, Heaven alone knows. But to my mind one thing is certain. The Government by no single act of its own, has given cause for resistance to its rightful authority. The powers which it was exercising at the moment when rebellion began to muster its "armies of pestilence," were clearly conferred upon it by the Constitution. And if the Executive, then just legally chosen, had meditated any illegal policy, the friends of constitutional rights were numerous enough in Congress, had they remained at their posts, as they were bound to do by their oaths and their duty to the holy cause of Constitutional Government, successfully and peacefully to have thwarted it. The professed especial friends of Southern rights, instead of this, rudely shot from their spheres, and, under the utterly ridiculous claim of constitutional right, advised State secession. Madmen-if not worse-they desecrated, too, in support of this dogma, the name of Calhoun. He may have committed political errors-who has not? His doctrine of nullification was certainly one, in the judgment of all his great compeers, sanctioned by almost the entire country, but he never maintained the nonsensical heresy of rightful secession. On the contrary, long after that of the short-lived nullification, in February, 1844, writing to his "political friends and supporters" refusing to permit his name to be presented before the then approaching Baltimore Convention, he said: "That each State has the right to act as it pleases in whatever relates to itself exclusively no one will deny; but it is a perfectly novel doctrine that any State has such a right when she comes to act in concert with others in reference to what concerns the whole. In such cases it is the plainest dictate of common sense that whatever affects the whole should be regulated by the mutual consent of all, and not by the discretion of each." That great philosophical statesman understood, as in another letter of the 3d of July, 1843, he invites his countrymen to understand "in all its great and beautiful proportions, the noble political structure reared by the wisdom and patriotism of our ancestors, and to have the virtue and the sense to preserve and protect it," and declared it the "duty of the Fed What they have done and are still doing at the sacrifice of the nation's welfare, and of the welfare of their own section, exerting every nerve to accomplish, was and is but to retain official power, which they fancied was passing from them. Look at the usurped government at Montgomery. The mention of names is unnecessary-they are destined to an unhappy immortality. Those who plotted the seizure of forts, arsenals, mints, navy-yards, customhouses, the admitted property of the United States, seducing soldiers and sailors from their sworn allegiance-using the very Senate chamber, dedicated and sacred to duty, as a spot from which to issue their treacherous telegrams are there to be seen all in power, actual or prospective. The fact too clearly tells the revolting story. Men long enjoying public honors, earning through many years of service a national fame, owning their renown because of the world-wide fame of a glorious Government, are striving, day and night, to reduce it to dishonor and destruction. Thank God, our consolation is that the effort, however pregnant with the present calamity, will fall short of its horrid aim. They may as well strike at the heavens with their arms" as lift them against the "American Union." That the end must fail, who can doubt? The recent census furnishes pregnant proof of this. It shows that the Free States have a population of males between eighteen and forty-five of 3,778,000, and all the Slave States only 1,655,000, and the seceding States, excluding Virginia, but 531,000; and if to this vast difference of men is added that of wealth, inventive skill, habits of industry, and the absence of any element of domestic danger, the disparity is infinitely greater. In a struggle between such hosts which may God in his mercy avert—who can fail to see what must be the end? But to our State these facts teach a lesson that all can understand. If mad and wicked enough to attempt it, what could we do to resist this immense power on our borders? Call on the South? Make our State the battle-field? How long could the entire South, if flying to our succor, remain with and aid us? They might assist in drenching our land with blood; they might witness with us our desolation, but that doom in such a contest it would be. They would be driven back within their own limits and wo left alone in our calamity, to be rendered the more acute when, as we should, we awoke to the insanity and crime which occasioned it. Looking, therefore, to interest alone, adherence to the Government is our clear policy. But when, as in my judgment it obviously is, that policy is demanded by the most obvious demands of patriotic duty, we should not hesitate one moment in adopting and abiding by it. Let those who have produced the rebellion exclusively share its certain adverse fate. Let them not, by specious promises of assistance and future prosperity, swerve us from our allegiance. They are even now promising themselves comparative exemption from the perils of the struggle. A recent Secretary, after having used his high position to produce the result, and by his grossly ignorant or faithless measures bankrupt the Treasury, is now addressing the people of his immediate section to persuade them that the coming war and its horrors will be kept far from them, and confined to the Border States. Let us, as far as ours is concerned, be wise enough to frustrate this cowardly policy. If to gain their traitorous views war is to be waged, let them bear its entire brunt. Let us not be their deluded victims. bellious standard. But it is not less true that there is in every true Maryland bosom a devoted attachment to the national emblem, which will cause every man of us, whenever and wherever hearing the inspiring sounds, to unite in the chorus of our national anthem, "Oh long may it wave, o'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." Though not especially impulsive, I cannot imagine how an American eye can look upon that standard without emotion. The twenty stars added to the first constellation tell its proud history, its mighty influence, and its unequalled career. Are these now to be forgotten and lost? Tell me not that this is sentiment. Sentiment, to be sure it is, but it is one that purifies and animates and strengthens the national heart. God may be worshipped (I make the comparison with all proper reverence) in the open field, in the stable-but is there no virtue in the cathedral? Does not the soul turn its thoughts heavenwards the moment its sacred threshold is crossed? This too is sentiment, but it is one that honors our nature, and proves our loyalty to the Almighty. What is there in the modern history of South Carolina which should recommend her teachings to Maryland? What is there in the intellects of the Rhetts, the Yanceys, the Cobbs, and So it is with our national emblem. The man id genus omne, to make them our leaders? They who is dead to its influence is in mind a fool or did all they could to achieve the election of Mr. in heart a traitor. It is this emblem I am the Lincoln, and hailed its accomplishment with honored organ now to present to you. I need undissembled delight. They thought they saw not commend it to your constant, vigilant care; in it the realization of their long-cherished that, I am sure, it will ever be your pride to hopes the precipitation of the Cotton States give it. When, if ever your hearts shall deinto a revolution; and then fancied exemption spond-when, if ever you shall desire your pafrom the worst of the perils-and they now triotism to be specially animated, throw it to seek to effect it-in the intervention of the the winds, gaze on its beautiful folds, remember other Slave States between them and the dan- the years and the fields over which, from "76 to ger. Short-sighted men, they never anticipated the present time, it has been triumphantly the calamities already upon them, and the great-borne; remember how it has consoled the dyer certain to follow. Besides relying on the fact just stated, they also counted securely on a large and influential support in the Free States. Little did they know the true patriotic heart of the land. The first gun fired on the nation's flag raised that feeling in the Northern heart. That gun, fired without cause, and upon a noble garrison about to be starved into a surrender, by being, through timidity or a worse cause, left in that condition, caused every man able to bear arms to rush to the support of the Government. Where, in the past, the South could count its friends by thousands and hundreds of thousands, not one is now to be found. The cry is the Government must be sustained-the flag must be vindicated. Heaven forbid that the duty of that vindication should be forgotten by Maryland! A temporary cause may have made it prudent in a part of the State (I have not the heart to name the locality) to suppress it. It may have happened that the Stripes, so often borne by her sons to victory or a proud death, were justly esteemed the national emblem to outrage, which the constituted authorities (though before justly boastful of their power to preserve the peace, as they had before faithfully done) were unable to prevent or quell, and were ing and animated the survivor; remember that it served to kindle even to a brighter flame the patriotic ardor of Washington-went with him through all the struggles of the Revolution, consoled him in defeat, gave to victory an additional charm, and that his dying moments were consoled and cheered by the hope that it would forever float over a perpetual Union, and you at once feel its almost holy influence and swear to stand by and maintain it till life itself shall be no more. Here it is, citizen soldiers. It is now yours, and with the assurance of its fair donors that they commit it to brave and loyal hands, and with their prayers for your individual happiness -for the restoration of our Government to its recent peaceful and glorious unity, and its continuance as such forever. -National Intelligencer, May 11. Doc. 144.. THE TENNESSEE LEAGUE. MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR HARRIS. EXECUTIVE Department, } Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Rep immediately made to share the fate of the re-resentatives: By virtue of the authority of |