tled policy of the Government? I told him that the first day of the present month had been prescribed as the period when the duties would take effect; that I had not yet examined its provisions with such care as would justify me in pronouncing an opinion upon its merits; that it was condemned by the commercial classes of the country; and that I had no doubt from the discontent manifested in several quarfers that the subject would engage the attention of Congress at its next meeting, and probably some important modifications would be made in it. The finances of the Govern ment were at this time temporarily embar、 rassed, and I had no doubt the provisions of the new tariff were adopted with a view, although probably a mistaken one, of sustaining the credit of the Treasury as much as of reviving the protective policy. He then asked me my opinion as to the course of policy that would be adopted toward the seceding States, and whether I thought force would be employed to coerce them into submission to federal authority. I told him that I could only give him my individual opinion, and that I thought force would not be employed; that ours was a government of public opinion, and although the Union unquestionably possessed all the ordinary powers necessary for its preservation, as had been shown in several partial insurrec tions which had occurred in our history, yet that the extreme powers of the Government could only be used in accordance with public opinion, and that I was satisfied that the sentiment of the people was opposed to the employ. ment of force against the seceding States. So sincere was the deference felt in that country for the great principles of self-government, and so great the respect for the action of the peo ple, when adopted under the imposing forms of State organization and State sovereignty, that I did not think the employment of force would be tolerated for a moment, and I thought the only solution of our difficulties would be found in such modifications of our constitutional com pact as would invite the seceding States back into the Union, or a peaceable acquiescence in the assertion of their claims to a separate sovereignty. M. Thouvenel expressed the opinion that the employment of force would be unwise, and would tend to a further rupture of the Confederacy by causing the remaining southern States to make common cause with the States which had already taken action on the subject. venel expressed his pleasure at the assurance. I and whether it was to be regarded as the setI further said the President regretted that the events going on in the United States might be productive of some possible inconvenience to the people and subjects of France, but he was determined that those inconveniences shall be made as light and transient as possible, and so far as it may rest with him, that all strangers who may suffer any injury from them shall be indemnified. I said to him that the President thought it not impossible an appeal would be made before long by the Confederate States to foreign powers, and among others to the Government of France, for the recognition of their independence; that no such appeal having yet been made, it was premature and out of place to discuss any of the points involved in that delicate and important inquiry; but the Government of the United States desired the fact to be known that whenever any such application shall be made, it will meet with opposition from the minister who shall then represent that Government at this court. I said to him that my mission at this court would soon terminate, and I should have no official connection with the question which it was anticipated might arise upon the demand of the Confederate States for recognition of their independence; that my place would soon be supplied by a distinguished citizen of the State of New Jersey, a gentleman who possessed the confidence of the President, who fully sympathized in his public views, and who would doubtless come fully instructed as to the then wishes and views of the Government of the United States, and that the only request which I would now make, and which would close all I had to say in the interview, was that no proposition recognizing the permanent dismemberment of the American Union shall be considered by the French Government until after the arrival and reception of the new Minister accredited by the United States to this Court. M. Thouvenel, in reply, said that no application had yet been made to him by the Confederate States in any form for the recognition of their independence; that the French Government was not in the habit of acting hastily upon such questions, as might be seen by its tardiness in recognizing the new kingdom of Italy; that he believed the maintenance of the federal Union in its integrity was to be desired for the benefit of the people of the North and South, as well as for the interests of France; and the Government of the United States might rest well assured that no hasty or precipitate action would be taken on that subject by the Emperor. But while ho gave utterance to these views, he was equally bound to say that the practice and usage of the present century had fully established the right of de facto governments to recognition when a proper case was made out for the decision of foreign powers. Here the official interview ended. The conversation was then further protracted by an inquiry from M. Thouvenel, when the new tariff would go into operation, I am, very respectfully, your obedient ser- vant, MR. SEWARD TO MR. DAYTON. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, May 4, 1861. SIR: The despatches of your predecessor, Nos. 117, 119 and 120, have been received. The latter, acknowledging the receipt of your letter of recall, and announcing his intended return, requires no especial notice. No. 117 | time when these questions had any pertinency bears the date of 5th of April last. It contains or plausiblity, has passed away. The United only an exposition of Mr. Faulkner's views of States waited patiently while their authority the policy which this Government ought to was defied in turbulent assemblies and insipursue in regard to the disturbed condition of dious preparations, willing to bope that mediaaffairs at home, but at the same time gives us tion, offered on all sides, would conciliate and no information concerning the state of affairs induce the disaffected parties to return to a in France. better mind, but the case is now altogether changed. The insurgents have instituted revolution with open, flagrant, deadly war, to com pel the United States to acquiesce in the dis memberment of the Union. The United States have accepted this civil war as an inevitable necessity. The constitutional remedies for all the complaints of the insurgents are still open to them, and will remain so. But, on the other hand, the land and naval forces of the Union have been put into activity to restore the Federal authority and save the Union from danger. The instructions heretofore transmitted to you, will show you the President's views on the subject Mr. Faulkner has discussed, and these will be your guide, notwithstanding any different opinion your predecessor may have expressed or left on record at Paris. No. 119 bears date of the 15th April last, and contains a report of an official conversation, and also of an unofficial one, held between Mr. Faulkner and M. Thouvenel. In the former conversation, M. Thouvenel asked Mr. Faulkner whether there is not some diversity of opinion in the Cabinet of the President as to the proper mode of meeting the difficulties which now disturb the relations of the States and the General Government. Mr. Faulkner, in reply, said that he had no information on the subject. The matter is of no great moment, yet it is desirable that there be no misapprehensions of the true state of the Government in the present emer-government, and there will be the same repubgency. You may, therefore, recall that conversation to M. Thouvenel's memory, and then assure him explicitly that there is no difference of opinion whatever between the President and his constitutional advisers, or among those advisers themselves, concerning the policy that has been pursued and which is now prosecuted by the Administration in regard to the unhappy disturbances existing in the country. The path of Executive duty has thus far been too plainly marked out by stern necessity to be mistaken, while the solemnity of the great emergency, and the responsibility it involved, have extinguished in the public councils every emotion but those of loyalty and patriotism. It is not in the hands of this Administration that this Government is to come to an end at all, much less for want of harmony in devotion to the country. M. Thouvenel's declaration that the United States may rest well assured To WILLIAM L. DAYTON, Esq., &c. &c. You cannot be too decided or too explicit in making known to the French Government that there is not now, nor has there been, nor will there be any-the least-idea existing in this Government of suffering a dissolution of this Union to take place in any way whatever. There will be here only one nation and one lic and the same constitutional Union that have already survived a dozen national changes and changes of government in almost every other country. These will stand hereafter, as they are now, objects of human wonder and human affection. You have seen, on the eve of your departure, the elasticity of the national spirit, the vigor of the national Government, and the lavish devotion of the national treasures to this great cause. Tell M. Thouvenel, then, with the highest consideration and good feeling, that the thought of a dissolution of this Union, peaceably or by force, has never entered into the mind of any candid statesman here, and it is high time that it be dismissed by statesmen in Europe. I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, -N. Y. Evening Post, May 6. Doo. 138. MARYLAND AUTHORITIES. WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861. Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown: that no hasty or precipitate action will be taken on the subject of the apprehended application of the insurrectionists for a recognition of the independence of the so-called Confed- PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S LETTER TO THE erate States, is entirely satisfactory, although it was attended by a reservation of views concerning general principles applicable to cases that need not now be discussed. In the unofficial conversation, Mr. Faulkner says that he himself expressed the opinion that force would not be resorted to to coerce the so-called seceding States into submission to the Federal authority, and that the only solution of the difficulties would be found in such modifications of the constitutional compact, as would invite the seceding States back into the Union, or a peaceable acquiescence in the assertion of their claim to a separate sovereignty. The GENTLEMEN: Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin and Brune, is received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. For the future, troops must be brought here, but I make no point of bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning, in presence of these gentlemen, "March them around Balti- | fully authorized to say in deference to Governmore, and not through it." I sincerely hope the general, on fuller reflection, will consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to it. By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless they go out of the way to seek it. I hope you will exert your influence to prevent this. Now and ever, I shall do all in my power for peace, consistently with the maintenance of Government. INTERVIEW BETWEEN COLONELS TILGHMAN AND PRENTISS. HEADQUARTERS, CAMP DEFIANCE, CAIRO, Ill., May 6, 1861. COLONEL LLOYD TILGHMAN, commanding the western division of Kentucky Militia, including Paducah and Columbus, places that have been considered as menacing our troops here, called, in company with Colonel Wickliffe, of Kentucky, upon Colonel Prentiss, commandant at this place. The following is the substance of their interview: Colonel Tilghman-"I have visited you, sir, for the purpose of a little official intercourse with reference to the late questions which have excited the people of Kentucky, and to cultivate, as far as in my power, peaceful relations. Some portions of the public press have erroneously used the name of Kentucky, the name of her organized militia under my command, and my own name, in referring to the hostile movement of troops against you from Tennes(Colonel Tilghman referred to an article in the Louisville Journal, which stated that hostile movements from Tennessee could go through Kentucky only by the aid of troops under Colonel Tilghman's command. He characterized the statement in severe terms, and said that Kentucky was still in the Union, and had no stronger wish than to remain so.) see. Colonel Prentiss "I can hardly express, gentlemen, how gratifying it is to me to find these the sentiments of all the leading men I have met from your side of the river. I assure you that, so far as I understand the sentiments of my State, my command and myself, those friendly feelings are cordially reciprocated. We must, however, when we understand that certain points in either Kentucky, Tennessee, or Missouri are menacing us, prepare to defend them." Colonel Tilghman-"Let me say, in deference to Tennessee, that, so far as her authorities and official acts are concerned, she was, three days ago, in the Union. I have just come from there, where, in an official capacity, I defined to them, firmly and effectually, the policy of my State. She has a mercurial population, like every State, that is hard to control. But I feel or Harris, with whom I had an interview, and in deference to the State of Tennessee, that there are no hostile menaces toward you." Colonel Prentiss "I want you to understand me that, in designating certain points as hostile and menacing, I am far from including the whole State. As to Memphis, I am reliably informed that bodies are arming and drilling with a proposed destination to some place North; and I will say to you frankly, that we are prepared for the attack and await it. But I am inclined to think they are the mob, without official encouragement." Colonel Tilghman-"Yes, sir, I feel authorized to express that view of it. The press ought to be restrained in its ready circulation of errors. There is not a word of truth in the statement of there being 12,000 men at Paducah for invasion; or, as to the concentration of troops in any part of Kentucky under my control. As to the recent arrival of arms at Columbus, they were the property of the State. This, as her right, Illinois cannot raise any objection to. Kentucky has her own rights to defend, and no State can do it more powerfully. She is a warm and generous friend, but a hearty enemy. We do not wish war. We are now electing our representatives to Congress, with the intention of holding out the olive branch. But the commerce of Kentucky is large, and our people do not understand how much of it is to be interrupted in transitu. They feel that they cannot ship a barrel of flour without being subjected to this system of espionage, which is entirely inadmissible." Colonel Prentiss-"I am instructed to seize no property unless I have information that such property consists of munitions of war, destined to the enemies of the United States Government." Colonel Tilghman-"Then you would not consider munitions of war shipped to Kentucky, under her authority, as contraband?" Colonel Prentiss-" That would depend upon the point whether Columbus is arming and menacing us." Colonel Tilghman-"They have not been and are not, allow me to say.' Colonel Prentiss-" Then I have been misinformed. Generally, there would be no detention of munitions of war destined to the authorities of Kentucky.” Colonel Tilghman-"The position I wish to assume is, that Kentucky is the peer of Illinois, and would not consent to any thing of the kind, under any pretence. Kentucky probably would never consent to the blockade of the Ohio." Colonel Prentiss-"But if, as you say, Kentucky is a loyal State, she would have to allow the blockading of the Ohio. I assure you Illinois would allow it, if required by the General Government. Kentucky has not done her full duty to the Government. She has not furnished her quota of troops upon the demand of the President, in defence of the national flag; and this shows we are right in apprehending | States; and whereas, the State of Virginia has certain disaffected and disloyal communities which rule to some extent the sentiment of the State." Colonel Tilghman-"I frankly acknowledge that you have the advantage of me there. But after my intercourse with you, and reassuring you of the groundlessness of your fears in my official capacity, it would be very inconsistent with your previous intimations, for you to credit counter rumors. My dear sir, there are not organized fifty men in Western Kentucky, outside of my command." Colonel Prentiss- -"As soon as our force is completely organized here, I intend to visit the other side." Colonel Tilghman-" We shall receive you with every kindness. The position of Illinois and Kentucky relatively is very delicate, and on that account allow me to say that I hope you will continue in command here. Affairs must be managed on both sides with calmness. I think there is hardly a man in a hundred in the State of Kentucky but would fight for the old Constitution as interpreted by the Supreme Court. I am highly gratified at this interview, and I hope to see yourself and staff over there some day." -Chicago Tribune, and N. Y. Evening Post, May 11. seceded from the Federal Union, and entered into a convention of alliance, offensive and defensive, with the Confederate States, and has adopted the Provisional Constitution of the said States, and the States of Maryland, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkansas, and Missouri have refused, and it is believed that the State of Delaware and the inhabitants of the Territories of Arizona and New Mexico, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas, will refuse to coöperate with the Government of the United States in these acts of hostilities and wanton aggression, which are plainly intended to overawe, oppress, and finally subjugate the people of the Confederate States; and, whereas, by the acts and means aforesaid war exists between the Confederate States and the Government of the United States, and the States and Territories thereof, excepting the States of Maryland, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkansas, Missouri, and Delaware, and the Territories of Arizona, and New Mexico, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas: Therefore, SECTION 1. The congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That the President of the Confederate States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the Confederate States to meet the war thus commenced, and to issue to private armed vessels commissions, or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, under the seal of the Confederate States, against the vessels, goods and effects of the Government of the United States, and of the citizens or inhabitants of the States and Territories thereof, except the States and Territories hereinbefore named. Provided, however, that property of the enemy (unless it be contraband of war) laden on board a neutral vessel, shall not be subject to seizure under this Act; and provided further, that vessels of the citizens or inhabitants of the United States now in the ports of the Confederate States, except such as have been, since the 5th of April last, or may hereafter be, in the service of the Government of the United States, shall be allowed thirty days after the publication of this Act to leave said ports and reach their destination; and such vessels and their cargoes, excepting articles contraband of war, shall not be subject to capture under this Act, during said period, unless they shall have previously reached the destination for which they were bound on leaving said ports. Whereas, The earnest efforts made by this government to establish friendly relations between the Government of the United States and the Confederate States, and to settle all questions of disagreement between the two governments upon principles of right, justice, equity, and good faith, have proved unavailing, by reason of the refusal of the Government of the United States to hold any intercourse with the commissioners appointed by this government for the purposes aforesaid, or to listen to any proposal they had to make for the peaceful solution of all canses of difficulties between the two governments; and whereas, the President of the United States of America has issued his proclamation, making requisition upon the States of the American Union for 75,000 men, for the purpose as therein indicated of captur SEC. 2. That the President of the Confeding forts, and other strongholds within the ju-erate States shall be and he is hereby authorrisdiction of, and belonging to, the Confederate ized and empowered to revoke and annul at States of America, and has detailed naval ar- pleasure all letters of marque and reprisal which maments upon the coasts of the Confederate he may at any time grant pursuant to this States of America, and raised, organized, and Act. equipped a large military force to execute the purpose aforesaid, and has issued his other Proclamation, announcing his purpose to set on foot a blockade of the ports of the Confederate SEC. 3. That all persons applying for letters of marque and reprisal, pursuant to this Act, shall state in writing the name, and a suitable description of the tonnage and force of the ves ture. sel, and the name and place of residence of each | ment, then in the same manner and upon the owner concerned therein, and the intended principles herein before provided in case of capnumber of the crew; which statement shall be signed by the person or persons making such application, and filed with the Secretary of State, or shall be delivered to any other officer or person who shall be employed to deliver out such commissions, to be by him transmitted to the Secretary of State. SEC. 4. That, before any commission or letters of marque and reprisal shall be issued as aforesaid, the owner or owners of the ship or vessel for which the same shall be requested, and the commander thereof for the time being, shall give bond to the Confederate States, with at least two responsible sureties, not interested in such vessel, in the penal sum of five thousand dollars; or if such vessel be provided with more than one hundred and fifty men, then in the penal sum of ten thousand dollars; with condition that the owners, officers and crew, who shall be employed on board such commissioned vessel, shall and will observe the laws of the Confederate States, and the instructions which shall be given them according to law, for the regulation of their conduct; and will satisfy all damages and injuries which shall be done or committed contrary to the tenor thereof, by such vessel, during her commission, and to deliver up the same when revoked by the President of the Confederate States. SEC. 7. That before breaking bulk of any vessel which shall be captured as aforesaid, or other disposal or conversion thereof, or of any articles which shall be found on board the same, such captured vessel, goods or effects, shall be brought into some port of the Confederate States, or of a nation or state in amity with the Confederate States, and shall be proceeded against before a competent tribunal; and after condemnation and forfeiture thereof, shall belong to the owners, officers and crew of the vessel capturing the same, and be distributed as before provided; and in the case of all captured vessels, goods and effects, which shall be brought within the jurisdiction of the Confedcrate States, the District Courts of the Confederate States shall have exclusive, original cognizance thereof, as in civil causes of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; and the said courts or the courts, being courts of the Confederate States, into which such causes shall be removed, and in which they shall be finally decided, shall and may decree restitution, in whole or in part, when the capture shall have been made without just cause. And if made without probable cause, may order and decree damages and costs to the party injured, for which the owners and commanders of the vessels making such captures, and also the vessels, shall be liable. SEC. 5. That all captures and prizes of vessels and property shall be forfeited, and shall accrue to the owners, officers and crews of the SEC. 8. That all persons found on board of vessels by whom such captures and prizes shall any captured vessels, or on board any recapbe made; and, on due condemnation had, shall tured vessels, shall be reported to the collector be distributed according to any written agree- of the port in the Confederate States in which ment which shall be made between them: and they shall first arrive, and shall be delivered if there be no such written agreement, then into the custody of the marshal of the district, one moiety to the owners, and the other moiety or some court or military officer of the Conto the officers and crew, as nearly as may be, federate States, or of any State in or near such according to the rules prescribed for the distri- port, who shall take charge of their safe keepbution of prize money by the laws of the Con-ing and support, at the expense of the Confederate States. federate States. SEC. 9. That the President of the Confederate States is hereby authorized to establish and order suitable instructions for the better governing and directing the conduct of the vessels so commissioned, their officers and crews, copies of which shall be delivered, by the collector of the customs, to the commanders, when they shall give bond as before provided. SEC. 6. That all vessels, goods, and effects, the property of any citizen of the Confederate States, or of persons resident within and under the protection of the Confederate States, or of persons permanently within the territories, and under the protection of any foreign prince, government or state in amity with the Confederate States, which shall have been captured by the United States, and which shall be recap- SEC. 10. That a bounty shall be paid by the tured by vessels commissioned as aforesaid, Confederate States of $20 for each person on shall be restored to the lawful owners, upon board any armed ship or vessel belonging to payment by them of a just and reasonable sal- the United States at the commencement of an vage, to be determined by the mutual agree- engagement, which shall be burnt, sunk or dement of the parties concerned, or by the decree stroyed by any vessel commissioned as aforeof any court having jurisdiction, according to said, which shall be of equal or inferior force, the nature of each case, agreeably to the pro- the same to be divided as in other cases of visions established by law. And such salvage prize money-and a bounty of $25 shall be paid shall be distributed among the owners, officers, to the owners, officers and crews of the private and crews of the vessels commissioned as afore- armed vessels, commissioned as aforesaid, for said, and making such capture, according to each and every prisoner by them captured and any written agreement which shall be made brought into port, and delivered to an agent between them; and in case of no such agree-authorized to receive them, in any port of the |