first service was to be to capture our forts. It was a plain declaration of war which I was not at liberty to disregard, because of my knowledge that under the Constitution of the United States the President was usurping a power granted exclusively to the congress. that it would seem incredible that it could have been issued by authority; but conceding this to be the case, so far as the Executive is concerned, it will be difficult to satisfy the people of these States that their late confederates will sanction its declarations-will determine to ignore the usages of civilized nations, and will inaugurate a war of extermination on both sides, by treating as pirates open enemies acting under the authority of commissions issued by an organized government. If such proclamation was issued, it could only have been published under the sudden influence of passion, and we may rest assured that mankind will be spared the horrors of the conflict it seems to invite. He is the sole organ of communication between that country and foreign powers. The Jaw of nations did not permit me to question the authority of the Executive of a foreign nation to declare war against this Confederacy. Although I might have refrained from taking active measures for our defence, if the States of the Union had all imitated the action of Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, by denouncing it as an unconstitutional usurpation of power to which they refuse to respond, I was not at liberty to disregard the fact that many of the States seemed quite content to submit to the exercise of the powers assumed by the President of the The State Department has furnished the neUnited States, and were actively engaged in cessary instructions for those commissioners levying troops for the purpose indicated in the who have been sent to England, France, Rusproclamation. Deprived of the aid of congress, sia and Belgium, since your adjournment, to at the moment I was under the necessity of ask our recognition as a member of the family confining my action to a call on the States for of nations, and to make with each of these volunteers for the common defence, in accord-powers treaties of amity and commerce. ance with the authority you had confided to me before your adjournment. I deemed it proper further to issue a proclamation, inviting applications from persons disposed to aid in our defence in private armed vessels on the high seas, to the end that preparations might be made for the immediate issue of letters of marque and reprisal, which you ⚫ alone, under the constitution, have the power to grant. I entertain no doubt that you will concur with me in the opinion, that in the absence of an organized navy, it will be eminently expedient to supply their place with private armed vessels, so happily styled by the publicists of the United States the militia of the sea, and so often and justly relied on by them as an efficient and admirable instrument of defensive warfare. For the details of the administration of the different departments, I refer to the reports of the secretaries of each, which accompany this message. Further steps will be taken to enter into like negotiations with the other European Powers, in pursuance to resolutions passed at your last session. Sufficient time has not yet elapsed since the departure of these commissioners for the receipt of any intelligence from them. As I deem it desirable that commissioners or other diplomatic agents should also be sent at an early period to the independent American Powers south of our Confederacy, with all of whom it is our interest and earnest wish to maintain the most cordial and friendly relations, I suggest the expediency of making the necessary appropriations for that purpose. Having been officially notified by the public authorities of the State of Virginia that she had withdrawn from the Union and desired to maintain the closest political relations with us pas-which it was possible at this time to establish, I commissioned the Hon. Alex. H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States, to represent this government at Richmond. I earnestly recommend the immediate sage of a law authorizing me to accept the numerous proposals already received. I cannot close this review of the acts of the Government of the United States without referring to a proclamation issued by their President under date of the 19th inst., in which, after declaring that an insurrection has broken out in this Confederacy against the Government of the United States, he announces a blockade of all the ports of these States, and threatens to punish as pirates all persons who shall molest any vessel of the United States under letters of marque issued by this government. Notwithtanding the authenticity of this proclamation, you will concur with me that it is hard to believe that it could have emanated from a President of the United States. Its announcement of a mere paper blockade is so manifestly a violation of the law of nations, I am happy to inform you that he has concluded a convention with the State of Virginia, by which that honored Commonwealth, so long and justly distinguished among her sister States, and so dear to the hearts of thousands of her children in the Confederate States, has united her power and her fortunes with ours and become one of us. This convention, together with the ordinance of Virginia adopting the Provisional Constitution of the Confederacy will be laid before you for your constitutional action. I have satisfactory assurances from other of our late confederates that they are on the point of adopting similar measures; and I cannot doubt that, ere you shall have been many weeks in session, the whole of the slaveholding States of the late Union will respond to the call of honor and affection, and by uniting their fortune with ours, promote our common interests and secure our common safety. In the Treasury Department, regulations have been devised and put into execution for carrying out the policy indicated in your legislation, on the subject of the navigation of the Mississippi River, as well as for the collection of the revenue on the frontier. Free transit has been secured for vessels and merchandise passing through the Confederate States, and delay and inconvenience have been avoided as far as possible. In organizing the revenue service for the various railways entering our territory, as fast as experience shall indicate the possibility of improvement in these regulations, no effort will be spared to free commerce from all unnecessary embarrassments and obstructions. Under your act authorizing a loan, proposals were issued inviting subscriptions for five millions of dollars, and the call was answered by the prompt subscription of eight millions by our own citizens, and not a single bid was made under par. The rapid development of the purpose of the President of the United States to invade our soil, capture our forts, blockade our ports, and wage war against us, induced me to direct that the entire subscription should be accepted. It will now become necessary to raise means to a much larger amount to defray the expenses of maintaining our independence and repelling invasion. I invite your special attention to this subject, and the financial condition of the Government, with the suggestion of ways and means for the supply of the treasury, will be presented to you in a separate communication. To the department of Justice you have confided not only the organization and supervision of all matters connected with the courts of justice but also those connected with patents and with the bureau of the public printing. Since your adjournment all the courts, with the exception of those of Mississippi and Texas, have been organized by the appointment of marshals and district attorneys, and are now prepared for the exercise of their functions. In the two States just named the gentlemen confirmed as judges declined to accept the appointment, and no nominations have yet been made to fill the vacancies. I refer you to the report of the AttorneyGeneral, and concur in his recommendation for immediate legislation, especially on the subject of patent rights. Early provision should be made to secure to the subjects of foreign nations the full enjoyment of their property in valuable inventions, and to extend to our own citizens protection not only for their own inventions, but for such as may have been assigned to them or may hereafter be assigned by persons not alien enemies. The patent office business is much more extensive and important than had been anticipated. The applications for patents, although confined under the laws exclusively to citizens of our Confederacy, already average seventy per month, showing the necessity for the prompt organization of a bureau of patents. The Secretary of War, in his report and accompanying documents, conveys full information concerning the forces, regular, volunteer, and provisional, raised and called for under the several acts of Congress-their organization and distribution; also, an account of the expenditures already made, and the furthur estimates for the fiscal year ending on the 18th of February, 1862, rendered necessary by recent events. I refer to the report, also, for a full history of the occurrences in Charleston harbor, prior to, and including the, bombardment and reduction of Fort Sumter, and of the measures subsequently taken for common defence on receiving the intelligence of the declaration of war against us, made by the President of the United States. There are now in the field at Charleston, Pensacola, Forts Morgan, Jackson, St. Philip and Pulaski, 19,000 men, and 16,000 are now en route for Virginia. It is proposed to organize and hold in readiness for instant action, in view of the present exigencies of the country, an army of 100,000 men. If further force be needed the wisdom and patriotism of the Congress will be confidently appealed to for authority to call into the field additional numbers of our noble spirited volunteers, who are constantly tendering their services far in excess of our wants. The operations of the Navy Department have been necessarily restricted by the fact that sufficient time has not yet elapsed for the purchase or construction of more than a limited number of vessels adapted to the public service. Two vessels have been purchased and manned, the Sumter and McRea, and are now being prepared for sea, at New Orleans, with all possible despatch. Contracts have also been made at that city, with two different establishments, for the casting of ordnance-cannon, shot and shell with the view to encourage the manufacture of these articles, so indispensable for our defence, at as many points within our territory as possible. I call your attention to the recommendation of the Secretary for the establishment of a magazine and laboratory for the preparation of ordnance stores and the necessary appropriation required for that purpose. Hitherto such stores have been prepared at the navy yards, and no appropriation was made at your last session for this object. The Secretary also calls attention to the fact that no provision has been made for the payment of invalid pensions to our citizens. Many of these persons are advanced in life-they have no means of support-and by the secession of these States have been deprived of their claims against the Government of the United States. I recommend the appropriation of the sum necessary to pay these pensioners as well as knowledge to fit them for the duties of lieuthose of the army, whose claim can scarcely exceed $20,000 per annum. The Postmaster-General has already succeeded in organizing his department to such an extent as to be in readiness to assume the direction of our postal affairs on the occurrence of the contingency contemplated by the act of 15th | March, 1861, or even sooner if desired by Congress. The various books and circulars have been prepared, and measures taken to secure supplies of blanks, postage stamps, stamped envelopes, mail bags, locks, keys, &c. He presents a detailed classification and arrangement of the clerical force and asks for its increase. An Auditor of the Treasury for this Department is necessary, and a plan is submitted for the organization of his bureau. The great number and magnitude of the accounts of this department require an increase of the clerical force in the accounting branch of the treasury. The revenues of this department are collected and distributed in modes peculiar to itself, and require a special bureau to secure a proper accountability in the administration of its finances. I call your attention to the additional legisla- | tion required for this department-to the re⚫commendation for changes in the law fixing the rates of postage on newspapers and sealed packages of certain kinds, and specially to the recommendation of the Secretary, in which I concur, that you provide at once for the assumption by him of the control of our entire postal service. In the military organization of the States, provision is made for Brigadier and Major-Generals, but in the army of the Confederate States the highest grade is that of a Brigadier-General; hence it will no doubt sometimes occur that, where troops of the Confederacy do duty with the militia, the General selected for the command and possessed of the views and purposes of this Government, will be superseded by an officer of the militia, not having the same advantages. To avoid contingencies in the least objectionable manner, I recommend that additional rank be given to the General of the Confederate army, and concurring in the policy of having but one grade of Generals in the army of the Confederacy, I recommend that the law of its organization be amended so that the grade be that of General. To secure thorough military education, it is deemed essential that officers should enter upon the study of their profession at an early period of life, and have elementary instruction in a military school. Until such school shall be established it is recommended that cadets be appointed and attached to companies until they shall have attained the age and shall have acquired the tenants. I also call your attention to an omission in the law organizing the army, in relation to military chaplains, and recommend that provision be made for their appointment. In conclusion, I congratulate you on the fact that in every portion of our country there has been exhibited the most patriotic devotion to our common cause. Transportation companies have freely tendered the use of their lines for troops and supplies. The Presidents of the railroads of the Confederacy, in company with others who control lines of communication with States that we hope soon to greet as sisters assembled in convention in this city, have not only reduced largely the rates heretofore demanded for mail service and conveyance of troops and munitions, but have voluntarily proffered to receive their compensation at their reduced rates in the bonds of the Confederacy, for the purpose of leaving all the resources of the Government at its own disposal for the common defence. Requisitions for troops have been met with such alacrity that the numbers tendering their services have in every instance greatly exceeded the demand. Men of the highest official and social position are serving as volunteers in the ranks. The gravity of age, the zeal of youth, rival each other in the desire to be foremost in the public defence, and though at no other point than the one heretofore noticed have they been stimulated by the excitement incident to actual engagement and the hope of distinction for individual deportment, they have borne, what for new troops is the most severe ordeal, patient toil, constant vigil, and all the exposure and discomfort of active service with a resolution and fortitude such as to command the approbation and justify the highest expectation of their conduct when active valor shall be required in place of steady endurance. A people thus united and resolute cannot shrink from any sacrifice which they may be called on to make, nor can there be a reasonable doubt of their final success, however long and severe may be the test of their determination to maintain their birthright of freedom and equality as a trust which it is their first duty to transmit unblemished to their posterity. A bounteous Providence cheers us with the promise of abundant crops. The fields of grain which will, within a few weeks, be ready for the sickle, give assurance of the amplest supply of food, whilst the corn, cotton, and other staple productions of our soil afford abundant proof that up to this period the season has been propitious. We feel that our cause is just and holy. We protest solemnly, in the face of mankind, that we desire peace at any sacrifice, save that of honor. In independence we seek no conquest, no aggrandizement, no cession of any kind from the States with which we have lately confederated. All we ask is to be let alone-that those who never held power over us shall not now attempt our subjugation by arms. This we will, we must resist, to the direst extremity. The moment that this pretension is abandoned, the sword will drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into treaties of amity and commerce that cannot but be mutually beneficial. So long as this pretension is maintained, with a firm reliance on that Divine Power which covers with its protection the just cause, we will continue to struggle for our inherent right to freedom, independence, and self-government. JEFFERSON DAVIS. MONTGOMERY, April 29, 1861. -N. O. Picayune, May 2. Doc. 118.-THE WEVERTON LETTER. WEVERTON, Frederick Co., Md., April 29, 1861. To Gov. HICKS:-At a meeting held in Weverton, by the citizens of Washington and Frederick Counties, the following memorial was agreed to, and ordered to be presented to your Excellency, by a Committee appointed for that purpose: Whereas, since the occupation of Harper's Ferry by the troops of Virginia, a number of soldiers have at different times crossed over into our State, and, under pretence of obtaining arms, have disturbed the peace of the neighborhood, and outraged the feelings of citizens by searching private dwellings; and whereas the citizens of Sandy Hook, Weverton, and vicinity, protest ing against the right of troops from Virginia invading our soil for such unfriendly purposes, do hereby beseech your Excellency to adopt such measures as, in your good judgment, will be sufficient to prevent any repetition of similar out 66 whom our fathers reverently worshipped as King of kings and Lord of lords." Pride and hatred now rise above humility and love, and the harsh notes of fratricidal war quite drown the gentle voice from Heaven, "Peace on earth, good will toward men." Those of us who profess and call ourselves Christians, used but lately to place the cross of Christ above every thing else; but there is something now above that cross. Ought it to remain in such a proud, and, as it certainly must seem to every calm and humble Christian mind, a God-defying position? Vide the top of Grace Church steeple. God grant that Christian passers-by may look up and think, and learn a good lesson from such a significant sign of the times. -N. Y. News, April 29. Doc. 120.-SPEECH OF A. H. STEPHENS AT ATLANTA, GA., APRIL 30, 1861. MY FELLOW-CITIZENS :---I think the country may be considered safe, since your interest in its welfare has brought you out at this hour of the night. I have just returned from a mission to old Virginia. It will be gratifying to you, I know, to state that she is not only out of the Union, but she is a member of the Southern Confederacy, and has sent delegates to our Congress, now assembled. North Carolina will have her delegates with us, also, in a few days. Her Legislature meets to-morrow, and I doubt not she will be out of the Union before Saturday night. The fires which first kindled the old Mecklenburgh Declaration of Independence are again burning throughout all her domains. From all that we have learned in the last few days, Tennessee will soon put herself on the side of the South, and be a new star in our shining galaxy. The news is also good from Kentucky, though I have nothing official from there. A few of her public men are trying to put the brakes down on her people; but they seem unwilling to submit any longer. From Missouri the news is most cheering, and Arkansas will soon be with us. But the best of all is, that Maryland-gallant little Maryland-right under the guns of LINCOLN, and the threats of BLAIR, to make it a Free State, if the blood of the last white man has to be shed in accomplishing it has resolved, to a man, to stand by the South! She will be arrayed against Abolitiondom, and cling to the South and if she has not delegates with us now, she is in open defiance of LINCOLN and his Government, and will soon be with us, even by revolution. The cause of Baltimore is the cause of us all, from the Atlantic to the Rio Grande. Her hands must be held up, and triumph must be assured to her. You have probably seen it stated that overtures of peace had been made by Lord LYONS, and, perhaps, by other parties. I tell you it is not true, and is only intended to deceive you. It is also said that the Lincoln Government has done so. This may be true; but if it is, it is and neighbors! They for MONEY! The hireall for treachery, as they gave traitorous as-lings and mercenaries of the North are all hand surances to our Commissioners at Washington. to hand against you. For weeks they were kept there under the most positive assurances of a pacific policy and intentions towards us-all with the basest motives that can actuate a treacherous heart. If peace propositions are made by them now, I conjure you not to trust them for a single moment-they only intend to deceive and betray -to lull your energies and suspicions, till they secure some cowardly advantage. As I told you when I addressed you a few days ago, Lincoln may bring his seventy-five thousand soldiers against us; but seven times seventy-five thousand men can never conquer us. We have now Maryland and Virginia, and all the Border States with us. We have ten millions of people with us, heart and band, to defend us to the death. We can call out a million of people, if need be; and when they are cut down, we can call out another, and still another, until the last man of the South finds a bloody grave, rather than submit to their foul dictation. But a triumphant victory and independence, with an unparalleled career of glory, prosperity and progress, await us in the future. God is on our side, and who shall be against us? None but His omnipotent hand can defeat us in this struggle. When we have the right we will demand the surrender of Washington, just as we did in the other cases, and will enforce our demands at every hazard and at whatever cost. And here let me say that our policy and conduct from the first have been right, and shall be to the last. I glory in this consciousness of our rectitude. Our enemies say that they only want to protect the public property; and yet I have it from unquestioned authority that they have mined all the public buildings in Washington-the Capitol and all the other Departments-for the purpose of destroying them. They have called out 75,000 men, they say to protect the public property now in their possession, and to retake and protect that which they have been forced to give up; yet, wherever they are now, they A general opinion prevails that Washington have prepared to destroy the property, and city is soon to be attacked. On this subject I have destroyed, or attempted to destroy, all can only say, our object is peace. We wish no that we have compelled them to relinquish, be- aggressions on any one's rights, and will make cause of their intentions to use it for the pur- none. But if Maryland secedes, the District of pose of subjugating us. Sumter was mined to Columbia will fall to her by reversionary right be blown up on leaving it. Much of the prop--the same as Sumter to South Carolina, Puerty was burned up at Harper's Ferry, in hast-laski to Georgia, and Pickens to Alabama. ily vacating that place; and an attempt was made to burn up not only all the public property, on leaving Gosport Navy Yard, but the whole city of Norfolk. This is one of the most remarkable instances on record where Providence was on our side. Plans were laid to burn up the Navy Yard and the whole city. The incendiary fires were lighted; and, if their intentions had succeeded, such a conflagration had never been witnessed on this continent, and would have been second only to the burning of Moscow; but, just at the critical moment, before the ravages had extended, the wind turned! The winds of Heaven turned, and stayed the spread of the devouring element. The same wind that kind Heaven sent to keep off the fleet at Charleston till Sumter was reduced, came to the relief of Norfolk at the critical moment. Providence was signally on our side. They attempted to blow up the Dock, the most expensive one on the continent-but there was a break in the train they had laid, and it failed. They attempted to burn down the old Pennsylvania, Germantown, and the Merrimac. They set the match, while they endeavored to get out of the way of their intended destruction; but the vessels sunk before the fire caught-another remarkable instance of the interposition of Providence on our behalf, and the strongest evidence of our rectitude. We were right at first, are right now, and shall keep ourselves right to the end. What is to take place before the end, I know not. A threatening war is upon us, made by those who have no regard for right! We fight for our homes, our fathers and mothers, our wives, brothers, sisters, sons, and daughters, It may be that "whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad." But for Lincoln's wicked and foolish war proclamation, the border States-some of them at least, would still have lingered in the hope that the Administration and its designs were not so basely treacherous as that document has shown them to be. Tennessee and other States would have lingered for some time. Now, all the slave States are casting in their lot with us, and linking their destinies with ours. We might afford to thank Lincoln a little for showing his hand. It may be that soon the Confederate flag with fifteen stars will be hoisted upon the dome of the ancient Capitol. If so, God's will be done is my prayer. Let us do nothing that is wrong. Let us commit our cause into His hand-perform our whole duty, and trust in Him for the crowning results. I have many things I would like to say to you, but my strength will not admit, even if it were necessary for your encouragement-but it is not. I find that you are fully up to the music, that you thoroughly comprehend our condition, and are resolved to do your whole duty. I find our people every where are alive to their interests and their duty in this crisis. Such a degree of popular enthusiasm was never before seen in this country. I find my fellow |