to defend it. Let us prove ourselves adequate to the | the German character to be thankful. Some of those expectations of the friends of liberty in the old world present had come here and gained positions, and as well as in the new, whose eyes are fixed upon us. those who had not, had gained the privilege to be The two powers which have grown up side by side in free men and independent citizens. For this they the United States from the beginning, self-govern- ought to be thankful. There was a particular reason ment and slavery, stand now face to face against for them to be patriots, and this was because they each other. It is now for the first time in the history were naturally republicans-not republicans in the of the world, that slavery in its worst developments, political meaning in this country, but in the real makes a revolution against the morals and ethics of sense of the term. The political parties were now society; that it tries to found a State on all that is entirely out of question, and one party had probably We were mean, contemptible, and unsound in human nature. made as many mistakes as the other. But such a State cannot and will not last. If justice republicans now, and as such all present ought to and liberty do not form its basis, it is doomed from stand by our country. The despots of Europe the first day of its existence. But it will not disap- were anxiously and hopefully watching the movepear of itself; it must be swept away by us, and, as ments in this country. So far, we had insisted upon peaceful means will not do, we must use iron means, the republican form of government as the only one and we must send to these sinners against human na- which is right and calculated to make a people happy. ture our arguments with twelve-pounders and mor- Let all those present stand by our flag. There were tars. As my eyes are glancing over this majestic other reasons why it should be done; it was this, assembly, majestic as well by its numbers as by its The war against the North was a war against human enthusiasm, I perceive at once that every one of you, liberty. The question was now, whether they (the fellow-citizens, understands his duty, and that every Germans) would stand by the side of liberty, or by one of you will be ready for your country's call. the side of oppression. The government of the This call will be war-and nothing but war-until Union had long been very lenient and discreet, but our arms shall have won a glorious triumph, and our it had exhausted its patience. Patience had ceased flag shall float again victorious from the Potomac to to be a virtue. There was no question now whether the Rio Grande. (Great cheering.) war or no war; war had been wantonly and deliber ately forced upon us, and they (the Germans) were ready for war. Mr. Wesendonck created coniderable enthusiasm among the thousands of Germans present. SPEECH OF MR. OTTO SACKENDorf. If I had prepared a speech, I would not be able to recite it in the presence of such a jubilation, the booming of the cannons and the shouts, which have greeted the hero of Fort Sumter. But I will recite to you the verses of our national poet, Theodor Körner, who said that when the people rises there will be no coward found to sit idle, and who called the man a contemptible enervated fellow who would not be in the ranks of the defenders of his country, when that country called him. You do not look like cowards. (Cries of "No, no!") You look like brave fellows. (Cheers.) What are platforms, what are parties; there is a higher sentiment prevailing, and no political clique shall divide us. We are now gathered here in purpose of discussing a measure of the government. We know what we are about; there can be no doubt about it. We see the object when we see the heroes of Fort Sumter, when we hear the sound of the guns! Who is blind or deaf enough not to see that we have to shoulder the musket and to go into the holy war for our adopted country. Not the union of parties, but the union of strength is it, what we want. We have not left our country in which we have been persecuted, and from which we are exiled, in order that we might have the same mizere repeated here. It was not for nothing that we have left there the recollections of our younger years, the playmates and our fellow-warriors in the fight for freedom. We have got in this country that freedom for which we have fought in vain on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, and we will show that we are worthy of that new fatherland by defending its rights against the fiendish aggressions of ruthless rebels, who threaten the existence of this republic. Democrats and republicans, remember the danger in which the country is, and take the musket to avert the danger for now and forever. (Mr. S. was most heartily cheered when he left the stand.) SPEECH OF HUGO WESENDONCK. He observed that the Germans were disposed to show their thankfulness to this country. It was in Doc.-18 After he had finished his speech in English, he continued in German, and remarked:-It has often been asked why we make war against the South? War cannot last forever, and the South can be exterminated, but not subjugated. But this is not the question; we have to punish rebellion, and the victory will be on the side of the North. To be sure, the North was very slow; the South had had six months for preparation; they have taken a firm position; have armed themselves with all implements of modern warfare, and have the advantage of time. Mr. Lincoln has been blamed because he was too indulgent; but there was something which he had to take into consideration, namely, public opinion. Why? We have now the North as a unit, and we can quietly look on and be sure of success, if we fight for our rights with that tenacity of purpose which always has characterized the Germans. We have the advantage of money and numbers, and we will have the same enthusiasm to the end which we have to-day. Patriotism is not shown on one single day only; we must have perseverance, even if we should be defeated in the beginning; we must finally vanquish, because we are the defenders of liberty, humanity, and right. There is no doubt but that we shall carry this war to the last extremity, because we want to give the rights to the South which are due to them; but we want some rights for ourselves, too. We have no opposition to it if the South introduces restraints within its own borders; but they shall not dare to intrude upon our rights; if they do so, we will whip them. They shall not break down our palladium. Liberty and the South will always be in an irrepressible conflict, although by no fault of their own. There is a discrepancy in these two words. The South have made all their institutions themselves, but the climate has made them to some extent. There are good men in the South; and although I do not want to reproach the South, I declare that liberty and Southern institutions always will be in an irrepressible conflict. This war is no great misfortune for their country, because at the end of it the air will be purified, and we shall have a sound body, instead of one subject to the symptoms of reversion. We shall have it by sacrifices of money, work, and life, and the Union will exist now as ever; and the North will be victorious. It has often been asserted that the almighty dollar was the only thing Americans cared about; but it is evident there is something higher in existence, and it wanted only the emergency to prove it. Who had seen the gallant Seventh Regiment marching yesterday, when called by their country, along Broadway, who does not understand that the love of liberty is predominant over every other thing, and can never be extinguished? There was no aristocracy about America or the Seventh Regiment. The merchant, the laborer, all classes went to work for the same great cause. One idea elevated them, one wish and one action—that is, the re-establishment of the Union; and, as they do, let us not look back upon the party; let us face future danger and future victory. If you do this, my fellow-citizens, then the future will be ours. SPEECH OF GUSTAVUS STRUVE. Mr. STRUVE was the President of the Garibaldi Committee, which sent Mr. Reventloro to Garibaldi to bring him money and assistance. He said::When we took the sword in our hands thirteen years ago, we did it on purpose of founding a republic, the ideal of which was America. We have arrived here, but the storms which have cast us upon this shore have not ceased yet, and again we have to fight for our ideal, which has been attacked by the enemy of freedom and civilization, by the slaveholding tyrant, the lickspittle of European despots, who thinks he can tear down this sacred flag. But we will carry this flag high in our hands, where those rebels never can reach it. We shall hold it more sacred, higher and more united than in Germany. In Germany, disunion was our curse; but in this country we are united with all people, who have found an asylum in their glorious country, and before all with the sons of the patriotic founders of the great republic which has adopted us. The same spirit which lived in us in 1848 is still living in us; it lives in me and you, in every one of us. The question is now between secession and Union, between liberty and slavery. Wherever we stand, if not on the side of Union and liberty, and we mean to defend it to-day as we did in the battle-fields of 1848. Brethren, nothing can help to-day but the sword, and you are going to take that sword, to live or die freemen, as we have been all during our life. Let us act, not speak. The freedom which is our palladium, shall be defended by he brave sons of Germany. [Mr. Struve seemed highly impressed with the object of his speech, and was repeatedly interrupted by the enthusiastic cheers of the crowd, which gave three other cheers for the gentleman when he left.] SPEECH OF RICHARD WARREN. He was a Minute Man, said Mr. WARREN, and having been called to say a few words to the Germans, he would give them his welcome and fellowship. He asked them to stand by this country, this new country of theirs. The cowardly acts perpetrated on Fort Sumter made the heart of every American, cemented with German strength, shout, Shame! shame! Shame! shame! would be said by every German in the Old World, when the news would get to them. To-day, what sight was this? The Almighty God looked down upon us. The spirit of Washington seemed to animate that statue yonder, as if to say to us, to be faithful to our country. If he (the speaker) had ten sons, they all should go and defend the country. German citizens-no more Germans, but American citizens-urged the speaker, stand to your home that you have adopted. There were more men there to-day than this South Carolina had. (Applause.) Come on, come on, Jefferson Davis; if you would, you would be hung. Tremble, traitors, as traitors have to tremble when the freemen of the country speak. Mr. Warren wound up with a culogy on Major Anderson and his brave men, and he was enthusiastically cheered by the Germans. SPEECH OF IGNATZ KOCH. into the fight against the South. When the Germans Mr. IGNATZ KOCH said:-It was the duty to go left their country bleeding and covered with wounds received in the struggle for liberty, when thousands of the brave fellows were killed, they swore that liberty would be the war-cry of the future time. When the Germans came over to this country, the Americans did not understand them, and thought it was all the same whether a man was a German or a Dutchman; one reverend gentleman said in Mr. Koch's presence, that Hamburg was the capital of Dutchland! They were understood now by the Americans, and it was conceded that the Germans knew something else beside lager beer, and that they knew nothing better than freedom. In Germany there were good prospects for a republic, and nobody had destroyed them but the Germans themselves. This shall not be done with the second fatherland. The Germans had elected the present President, Mr. Lincoln, a man of liberal ideas, energy, and sincerity of purpose; while Mr. Buchanan-(cries of, "No politics!") The orator finished his remarks by asking for "three chairs for the Union!" by which he probably meant cheers," as the Union is not so tired yet as to want three chairs. 66 SPEECH OF SAMUEL HULL. Massachusetts was in He alluded to the fact that yesterday (Friday) being the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, when the first blood was spilled in the Revolution, on that day the first blood was spilled in this war. Yesterday those noble grandsons of those who were engaged in the former struggle, were the first who spilled their blood in this war. the field, and New York would follow suit. Throughfought side by side, and they would do the same in this war. This was a fearful crisis. Our enemy pretended to be fearful fighters, having had six months' preparation, but our men would meet them. The speaker made allusion to the events at Baltimore, and the report that the gallant Seventh Regiment had forced their way through the mob. (Cheers.) The news was not precise as yet, but he would say, that if the Baltimoreans had spilt one drop of blood of that gallant New York regiment, the resentment to follow would be terrible. (Tremendous applause.) I am just informed, said the speaker, that the rebels attacked them with brickbats, that the noble regiment forced their way through, and that three hundred of the insurgents were lying weltering in their gore. [This information, although a mere report, caused immediately an immense excitement.] out the Revolution New York and Massachusetts SPEECH OF MR. O. O. OTTENDORFER. This address was delivered by Mr. OSWALD OrTENDORFER, editor of the New York Staats Zeitung: In his introductory remarks he alluded to the occasion which had given rise to such an unparalleled and truly sublime display of enthusiasm and patriotic feeling. He maintained that we were here to save the groundwork of our institutions, in the acknowledgment of our lawful authorities, in the regard for the result of an election agreeable to a Constitution so universally admitted to be the pillars of our political existence, the bulwark of our liberties and our prosperity. Take away these pillars, or suffer their disintegration, and the whole proud structure will tumble into atoms. Look around, or peruse the pages of the history of the country, and tell us what is the secret of our progress and success? Political parties have contributed to the advancement of the country by means of the application of such principles, which in their opinion could be made instrumental to the furtherance of our general welfare. But this display of the activity and powers of parties could never have been successful without fealty to the cardinal principle, that every lawful election carries with it the duty of abeyance in its results, and that only from a strict adherence to this obligation and usage a party can maintain its ascendency, and command the confidence of the people. Unconditional obedience to self-created laws, and implicit respect for the decision of the popular will, were the fruitful sources of party power and prestige not alone, by the reasons which have led the whole civilized world at once to admire our system, and to fear or cheer our progress. The proof of the capability of man for self-government-as made apparent from our example-was gaining ground among the lovers of liberty of all nations, and presented an ever-active stimulus to our own people to contribute to its reassertion and confirmation. At this very hour we are here assembled for the very same object. As to the ways and means through which that end is to be reached, contrary opinions have not failed to be maintained, and in particular as to the recognition of the result of our late Presidential election. Such has been the case, and has been a fruitful source of evils of various descriptions. The refusal of such recognition in some parts of the country, the obstinate resistance to the constitutionally created authority, the stubborn denial of established and fundamental truths, the rejection of every conciliatory proposition, and many other shapes of opinion, found their adherents; and with some it was difficult to reason at all, or to persuade them that the application of power or the resort to revolution was not always the safest way to adjust difficulties or to retrieve wrongs. It is not long since that every shape and variety of opinions have found their adherents among our people. Everybody understood perfectly well, that the maintenance of our lawful authorities was imperative and indispensable; very few, however, agreed as to the manner in which that end was to be achieved, and how in particular the pending revolution which had given rise to a renewal of all these diversities of opinions, was to be treated; but on one point all agreed, namely, that obedience to the constitutional powers was to be exacted at all events, either by means of persuasion or by force. Our meeting here is proof to the fact, that patriotism and loyalty have conquered prejudice and alienation, and that all are united in one common purpose, the maintenance of the authority of our Government, the protection of our flag and property, and the correction of palpable errors, that have been the consequence of the machinations of men disloyal and inimical alike to the Union, and to their best interests and welfare. The events of the last few days have convinced all of us of the futility of the application of any further conciliatory measures, and that the people of the United States see nothing left them beyond an appeal to the ultima ratio, force; and in order to uphold the very existence of the nation, and to perpetuate the blessings of that Union under which we all alike, ourselves and the revolutionists, have prospered in so unprecedented a degree. But if force is once to be applied, let us do it vigorously, and without faltering and hesitation. As it is, we see no other alternative before us to secure to our posterity the blessings of the Union, than by asserting its indissolubility with arms in hand. [The speaker, who was vociferously cheered, again and again excused himself from continuing his remarks any further on account of indisposition, and withdrew amidst hearty plaudits.] At Stand No. 4, situated at the southwest corner of Union Square, the meeting was called to order by Mr. ROYAL PHELPS, who nominated Mr. Moses H. Grinnell as Chairman. Fellow-citizens, said Mr. PHELPS, I have been requested to call this meeting to order by nominating a presiding officer. At political meetings it is not always an easy task to name a chairman who will satisfy all; but this is not a political meeting--this is a patriotic meeting, called for the purpose of supporting our legally elected President (Abraham Lincoln), our Constitution, and our flag. For this purpose I know of no one who will give greater satisfaction to you than the old, well-known, and highly respected merchant, Mr. Moses H. Grinnell. (Cheers.) Those in favor of having Mr. Grinnell as our presiding officer will please say Aye." A tremendous aye" was the response, and amid enthusiastic cheering, Mr. Grinnell assumed the duties of President of the meeting. Mr. GRINNELL now said the next thing in order would be the nomination of Vice-Presidents, and the following list was accordingly read :— James Harper, Edward J. Jaffray, Thomas Adams, Charles Butler, VICE-PRESIDENTS. : Robert C. Goodhue, Wm. H. Neilson, W. E. Warren, J. D. Ingersoll, Theo. Glaubensklee John Harper, John Ward, James W. White, Edwds. Pierrepont, John H. Lyell. George J. Fox, the powers that be, which are ordained of God. Spare blood, if it may be. Speedily end this needless and unnatural warfare, and bring in peace and good-will over the whole land. We ask-we implore these blessings for the sake of Thy Son, Jesus Christ, our adorable Saviour. Amen. At the conclusion of the prayer, Rev. Dr. VERMILYEA said he desired to say a few words. I was, said he, born a citizen of this city, under the Stars and I cannot fight, but I can pray, and I have prayed Stripes, and here I spent the greater part of my life. most fervently for the success of our cause, and for constitutional liberty; and now I will read to you the following brief document : NEW YORK, April 20, 1861. CARPENTER & VERMILYEA-Pay to the order of Hon. John A. Dix one hundred dollars to aid in furnishing men and means to uphold the Constitution and Government of our country against treason and rebellion. $100. THOS. E. VERMILYEA. The reading of this brief but expressive document was greeted with cheers. PRAYER OF REV. DR. VERMILYEA. Infinite and adorable God! Thou art the allpowerful Creator, and in Thy providence Thou rulest over the nations and to the ends of the earth. We bow in presence of Thine awful majesty to supplicate Thy guidance and help amidst the agitations and perils of our beloved country. Wicked and designing men have plotted treason, and have now excited the passions of a portion of the people to levy war against that Constitution and Government Thou didst enable our fathers to establish; and blood has been shed in the causeless strife. Bring to nought, we MR. GRINNELL'S REMARKS. beseech Thee, the counsels of the traitors, and restore amity to the people and peace and prosperity Mr. GRINNELL said that this was a meeting of to the afflicted land. For this purpose give calm American citizens without distinction of party; it wisdom and inflexible decision to Thy servant, the was a meeting of citizens without respect to former President of the United States, and all his counsel- political issues; a meeting impelled by one impulse lors. May they shrink from no needful responsibility, and one purpose-the preservation of our country's but adopt promptly and execute firmly such means integrity and the Constitution under which we live. as may be most effectual in speedily enforcing the (Applause.) Gentlemen, said Mr. G., a crisis has laws, maintaining the Constitution and Government, arrived; the arm of the traitor has been raised and punishing the disobedient. Bless the Army and against this Union. That arm must be broken down. Navy of the United States. May they be, what they (Enthusiastic applause.) Blood-yes, yesterday the were designed to be, the bulwark and defence of the blood of Massachusetts was shed. Yesterday, the country in this hour of trial. If it may be, spare anniversary of the glorious battle of Lexington, the further effusion of blood; but if not, then grant, Ograndchildren of those who fought there, and whose God, a heart of adamant to every officer and soldier blood was the first that was shed in our Revolutionand seaman, and help those who go forth to fight our yesterday, my friends, the blood of their children was battles for us, each man to do his duty. Bless the spilled in the streets of Baltimore. (Sensation.) Governor and officers of this State, and the body of Now, I say, the time has come when you and I, the the people, who, after long fraternal forbearance, are young, the old and the middle-aged, must do their now risen to assert the majesty of law, and uphold duty like men. Let no man stand aside. Let him the best Government the world has ever seen. Give who wants physical strength pour out his advice, and us perfect unity, and let all party diversities be his money, if he have any to give. To you, young hushed and forgotten. May the whole faithful por- gentlemen, who have the bone and the sinew in you, tion of the people, now forced into this struggle for supported by conscientious feelings of the duty you our political life and freedom, determine with fixed owe to your country-to you we look to stand by purpose never to falter nor give over until law and those Stars and Stripes. (Cheers.) We are all in the Government are effectually vindicated and susthe same boat,-(Cries of, "That's so," and we tained. Though it may be for months or for years, know only one pilot and one guide; and that is, though disaster and defeat may come, may they have the Constitution, and the God who reigns over all. the fortitude to suffer and the courage to persevere (Applause.) Gentlemen, I will not take up your until this end is attained; for in it we believe are time any longer; you have so many eloquent speakbound up the interests of freedom and of constitu- ers to address you, that I will not detain you. tional Government in this land and the world over, now and for generations yet unborn. Mercifully look upon this great city. Inspire its people in this sharp emergency with a spirit of obedience to law, and aid its magistrates in the preservation of social order among us. Let all classes realize the responsibility of this solemn crisis, and each one be submissive and gird himself to the work that may be required of him. Thus we pray most humbly and fervently, O our God. We acknowledge Thy supremacy; look to Thee for Thy divine blessing. Thou' who didst give success to our fathers in their day, give success to our righteous cause. Help us to support we The resolutions which were read at Stand No. 1, and all the others, were also read here and adopted with the most unbounded enthusiasm. Those parts referring to Major Anderson's defence of Fort Sumter, and to the preservation intact of the Union, were applauded and cheered to the echo. The whole series were put to the vote, and passed with the greatest unanimity. You have heard, said Mr. Grinnell, the resolutions; do you all second them? (Cries of "Yes, yes.") Then adopt them with three cheers. ("Aye, aye," | stance, north or south. Now, my fellow-citizens, and tremendous cheers.) At this point of the proceedings Major Anderson came upon the stand, arm-in-arm with Mr. Simeon Draper, and when brought to the front of the platform such a cheer as went up from that vast multitude was never heard before. It must have gladdened the heart of the hero of Fort Sumter. Three cheers thrice repeated were given for him, and he was obliged to go to the rear of the stand and show himself; there he was greeted with a similar demon-pointed in his unhallowed, unholy, and damnable amstration. It was at least five minutes before quiet could be restored, and the meeting allowed to proceed. In the meantime crowds swarmed around the gallant Major, and nearly shook the hands off him in the warmth of their friendship. this is a rebellion against a faultless, not only a fault- At this juncture, Captain Foster, of the Engineer Corps, and Dr. Crawford, both of whom were with Major Anderson in Fort Sumter, appeared on the stand, and were introduced by the President to the assemblage. They bowed their acknowledgments, were received with deafening cheers, and, having conversed with some of the gentlemen on the platform, retired. SPEECH OF WILLIAM CURTIS NOYES, ESQ. I have never before had reason to speak anywhere under circumstances of such extraordinary solemnity. The most eloquent speaker that could address you has just presented himself in the person of Major Anderson. (Loud cheers and applause, which lasted several minutes.) He has just come from the smoke and flame of the fiery furnace, kindled by a band of faithless traitors. (Loud cheers, and three groans for the traitors.) You have just sent from among your midst nearly one thousand men, the flower of the city of New York, to resent the insult to your flag. (Loud applause.) You have sent them to resent the insult to your flag, and the greater insult, namely, an insult to the Constitution and the laws of your country; and you know that if those men are permitted to make their progress to Washington, and southward, they will tell a tale of which New York may justly be proud. (Cheers.) Your assembling here proves that you, young men, and, I hope, some of us old men, are ready to follow their example, shoulder their muskets, put on their knapsacks and their fatigue dresses-not their fancy dresses-and march to the rescue of the Constitution and the country. (Loud cheers.) Yesterday was the anniversary of the battle of Lexington. The blood of Massachusetts was the first to be shed on that anniversary,-(three cheers for Massachusetts,)-yesterday, in the putting down of this rebellion. (Cheers.) John Clarke, one of the heroes of the battle of Lexington, wrote in Mr. NOYES resumed as follows:-The only objec his almanac, opposite that day, “This is the inaugur- tion that I have to Dr. Crawford, is that he adminisation of the liberty of the American world." (Cheers.) tered an antidote to Mr. Pryor. I wish the antidote I beg you to mark the phrase, "The inauguration of had been administered first, and something else afterthe liberty of the American world." Not, a frag-wards. (Loud laughter and cheers.) I was saying ment of it-not of the Northern States-not of a that there was only one true patriot in the Cabinet portion of this great Union, but of "the liberty of of Mr. Buchanan, and he left the moment he discovthe American world "-the whole Union. (Loud ered the perfidious conduct of his associates. Let cheers.) This Union will go on, notwithstanding this him be, as he deserves to be, forever embalmed in rebellion, until that prophecy, uttered eighty years your recollections, and in those of a grateful posago and upwards, is fulfilled. (Cheers.) We are terity. (Loud applause.) He has retired to his own not in the midst of revolution. We are in the midst home, but he has retired with public gratitude, which of rebellion. There never was a more beneficent, a will follow him to his last moment. I said we had a more benign Government, than that of the United forbearing Government. After Fort Sumter was States, since time began. (Loud applause.) Never! taken possession of by Major Anderson, the Govern(Cheers.) It has borne so gently always-(three ment were still supine; and even after the inauguraloud cheers for the Government of the United States) tion of Mr. Lincoln, if any thing could have been -it has borne so gently always upon the shoulders done, nothing was done, to prevent the closing round of the people, that they have hardly known it- of the men in that brave fortress, and round the scarcely felt it. Nothing has been oppressive or un- braver hearts in it. Seventeen or eighteen batteries just, and no tyranny has been offered in any in- were prepared, as soon as ready, to pour out fire |