SPEECH OF RICHARD O'GORMAN, ESQ. FELLOW-CITIZENS :-This is not the time for many words. Speech should be like the crisis, short, sharp, and decisive. What little I have to say will be shortly said. I am an Irishman-(Cheers for O'Gorman)-and I am proud of it. I am also an American citizen, and I am proud of that. (Renewed applause.) For twelve years I have lived in the United States, twelve happy years, protected by its laws, under the shadow of its constitution. When I assumed the rights of citizenship, I assumed, too, the duties of a citizen. When I was invested with the rights which the wise and liberal constitution of America gave to adopted citizens, I swore that I would support the Constitution, and I will keep my oath. (Tremendous cheering, and a voice, "You would not be an Irishman if you did not.") This land of mine, as well as of yours, is in great danger. I have been asked what side I would take; and I am here. (Cheers.) No greater peril ever assailed any nation. Were all the armies and all the fleets of Europe bound for our shores to invade us, it would not be half so terrible a disaster as that we have to face now. Civil war is before us. We are threatened not with subjugation, but disintegration, utter dissolution. The nation is crumbling beneath our feet, and we are called to save it. Irish born citizens, will you refuse? ("No, no.") This quarrel is none of our making: no matter. I do not look to the past. I do not stop to ask by whose means this disaster was brought about. A time will come when history will hold the men who have caused it to a heavy account; but for us, we live and act in the present. Our duty is to obey, and our duty is to stand by the Constitution and the laws. (Applause.) I saw to-day the officers of the Sixty-ninth Irish regiment, and they are ready. (Cheers for Col. Corcoran.) Fellow-citizens, if there be any men in these United States, who look to this war with any feeling of exultation, I take no part with them. I look to it with grief, with heartfelt grief. It is, after all, a fratricidal war; it is a war that nothing but inevitable necessity can excuse, and the moment that inevitable necessity ceases, the moment peace can be attained-for peace is the only legitimate end of any war. I pray to God that it may cease and we be brothers and friends again. Some of the gentlemen who preceded me to-day have said that traitors have sprung from Virginia. O, fellow-citizens, when you passed that statue-the statue of the Father of his Country-and saw that serene, calm face, and that hand raised, as it were, in benediction over this people, forget not that Washington was a son of Virginia. The South has been deceived, cruelly deceived, by demagogues; they have had false news from this side, and that has deceived them. They did not know, we did not know it ourselves, what a fund of loyalty, what stern hearty allegiance there was all through this land for the Constitution and the Union. Fellow-citizens, the cloud that lowers over us now will pass away. There may be storm; it may be fierce and disastrous, but trust me that storm was needed to clear and purify the political atmosphere. We are passing through an inevitable political and national crisis. We could not go on as we were going on. A sea of corruption was swelling all around us, and threatened to engulph honor, reputation, and the good name of the nation and of individuals. That stagnant water stirs, but trust me, it is an angel

plause.) An angel hand has touched them and turned the fœtid stream into a healing balm. That angel is patriotism, that walks the land in majesty and power. (Applause.) And were nothing else gained by this terrible struggle than the consciousness that we have a nation and a national spirit to support it, I would still say that this ordeal that we are going through will not be all in vain. (Cheers.) For me, fellow-citizens, as far as one man can speak I recognize but one duty. I will keep my oath, I will stand as far as in me lies by the Constitution and the laws. Abraham Lincoln is not the President of my choice; no matter, he is the President chosen under the Constitution and the laws. The government that sits in Washington is not of my choice, but it is de facto and de jure the government, and I recognize none other. That flag is my flag, and I recognize none other but one. (Bravo and applause.) Why, what other flag could we have? It has been set by the hands of American science over the frozen seas of the North; it is unrolled where by the banks of the Amazon the primeval forests weave their tangled hair. All through the infant struggles of the repub lic under its consecrated folds men poured out their life blood with a liberal joy to save this country. (" And will again.") All through the Mexican war it was a sign of glory and of hope. Fellow-citizens, all through Europe, when down-trodden men look up and seek for some sign of hope, where do they look but to that flag, the flag of our Union? (Great applause.) I deprecate this war; I do hope that it will cease, but it is war. That flag must not be allowed to trail in the dust, not though the hand that held it down is a brother's. I have done. (Voices "Go on, go on.") All I can say is, that, with all the men that honestly go out to fight this fight, my sympathies go with them. I trust it will be fought out in an honorable and chivalrous manner, as becomes men that are fighting to-day with those that may be their friends to-morrow. But if there cannot be peace, if war must be, then for the Constitution and the Union I am, and may God defend the right. (Tremendous cheering.)

SPEECH OF IRA P. DAVIS.

He said he had a difficult task to perform in addressing them after the eloquent speaker who had just left the stand. Yet, as a citizen, and as an American, and as one whose father fought at Lexington, he was before them that day to do his duty. He would call their attention to a few facts to illustrate the principle involved in this great question. The Government of the United States was based on the principle that all power is inherent in the people; that at any time the people can alter, amend, or, if they pleased, totally abrogate the Government. But while this right was recognized, it was still their duty to observe the sacredness of contracts. The people of Great Britain, of France, and other nations of the world, with whom we have made treaties through our lawful counsellors, recognize the people living on the continent, within certain jurisdictions, as a nation. And though the people here might, if they pleased, change the character of the Government, yet the Government of these countries would hold them responsible within those districts, to fulfil their contracts and treaties-to live up to the contracts they had made. So was it with the people of those States. The Federal Government was nothing more than the executor of the contracts entered into by the thirty

name, why not recognize it now? Why not to-day? Why not forever? Suppose those friends of ours from old Ireland, suppose he who has made himself one of us, when a war should break out against his own country, should say, "I cannot fight against my own countrymen," is he a citizen of the United States? They are no countrymen longer when war breaks out. The rebels and the traitors in the South we must set aside; they are not our friends. When they come to their senses, we will receive them with open arms; but till that time, while they are trailing our glorious banner in the dust, when they scorn it, condemn it, curse it, and trample it under foot, then I must smite. In God's name I will smite, and as long as I have strength I will do it. (Enthusiastic applause.) 0, listen to me, listen to me! I know these men; I know their courage; I have been among them; I have been with them; I have been reared with them; they have courage; and do not you pretend to think they have not. I tell you what it is, it is no child's play you are entering upon. They will fight, and with a determination and a power which is irresistible. Make up your mind to it. Let every man put his life in his hand, and say, "There is the altar of my country; there I will sacrifice my life." I, for one, will lay my life down. It is not mine any longer. Lead me to the conflict. Place me where I can do my duty. There I am ready to go, I care not where it leads me. My friends, that is the spirit that was in this city on yesterday. I am told of an incident that occurred, which drew the tears to my eyes, and I am not much used to the melting mood at all. And yet I am told of a man in your city who had a beloved wife and two children, depending upon his personal labor day by day for their support. He went home and said, "Wife, I feel it is my duty to enlist and fight for my country." "That's just what I've been thinking of, too," said she; "God bless you! and may you come back without harm! but if you die in defence of the country, the God of the widow and the fatherless will take care of me and my children." That same wife came to your city. She knew precisely where her husband was to pass as he marched away. She took her position on the pavement, and finding a flag, she begged leave just to stand beneath those sacred folds and take a last fond look on him whom she, by possibility, might never see again. The husband marched down the street; their eyes met; a sympathetic flash went from heart to heart; she gave one shout, and fell senseless upon the pavement, and there she lay for not less than thirty minutes in a swoon. It seemed to be the departing of her life. But all the sensibility was sealed up. It was all sacrifice. She was ready to meet this tremendous sacrifice upon which we have entered, and I trust you are all ready. I am ready. God help me to do my duty! I am ready to fight in the ranks or out of the ranks. Having been educated in the Academy, having been in the army seven years; having served as commander of a volunteer company for ten years, and having served as an adjutant-general, I feel I am ready for something. I only ask to be permitted to act; and in God's name give me something to do. [The scene that followed the close of Professor MITCHELL'S eloquent and patriotic remarks baffles description. Both men and women were melted to tears, and voices from all parts of the vast mutitude re-echoed the sentiments of the speaker, and every one seemed anxious to respond to the appeal to rush to the defence of the country.]

REMARKS OF SAMUEL HOTALING.

The next speaker was Mr. SAMUEL HOTALING, who called upon the citizens of New York to defend their flag, their homes, and the blessed heritage which our ancestors left us. He had been a farmer and a merchant, and he was now ready to be a soldier. This meeting is mainly held to stimulate us to action and to arms. We must shoulder our muskets and take our place, carry our swords to the Capitol at Washington, and even to Texas, for the protection of our friends and our country. The speaker went on to say that the motto of the rebels was Captain Kidd piracy. They were a band of traitors to their country and to their oaths; and what could we expect from thieves like them? He said he had never been a rabid abolitionist, but it was his opinion that Providence was as much at work now as He was when the children of Israel in Egypt received their emancipation under Moses.

He believed that in five years this warfare would produce such bankruptcy and starvation in the Southern States, that their white laboring people and their slaves would go into a state of anarchy, bloodshed, and San Domingo butchery, and that within that period the seceded States would petition the Federal Government for aid and money to transmit their butchering Africans among themselves across the Atlantic ocean to the land of their fathers.

Mr. HALLECK then called upon all young men to enroll as volunteers, and to proceed to Washington to strengthen the Seventh Regiment. As for himself, he felt as if he would leave his wife and four children to go to Washington and take whatever part was necessary to maintain the Government. (Cheers.) He had voted against the party coming into office; but now, so help me God, I will do all I can to aid the Administration to the uttermost. He had come from the mighty Niagara, and he would assure them that in Western New York thousands of young men were prepared to enrol themselves to fight for the Union and the Constitution.

At Stand No. 3, located on the northwest side of Union Square, the meeting was called to order by Mr. Richard Warren, who nominated Mr. Wm. F. Havemeyer as Chairman of the meeting.

The following gentlemen acted as Vice-Presidents: Jno. A. Stevens, Isaac Bell, Jr., R. A. Witthaus, Dan. P. Ingraham, R. M. Blatchford, W. M. Vermilye, Elijah F. Purdy, J. L. Aspinwall, Samuel B. Ruggles, Richard Schell, James Owen, Fred. Lawrence, Thos. C. Smith, S. B. Chittenden, J. G. Vassar, J. G. Pierson, August. F. Schwab, Wm. Lyell, Chas. P. Daly, W. H. Hays, Samuel D. Babcock, A. V. Stout,

Geo. R. Jackson,
Jno. T. Agnew,
Francis Hall,
Thos. A. Emmett,
Wm. Allen Butler,
Edwin Hoyt,

Jno. E. Devlin,
James W. Beekman,
P. M. Wetmore,
N. Knight,
Geo. S. Coe,
Jno. A. C. Gray,
Cyrus Curtiss,
Henry A. Smythe,
David Thompson,
T. H. Faile,

John H. Swift, Allan Cummings, Geo. B. DeForest, W. C. Alexander, Augt. Weisinan, H. D. Aldrich, R. L. Kennedy, R. Mortimer, Horatio Allen, Norman White, Geo. T. Hope, Ogden Haggerty, John Wadsworth, Josiah Oakes, Loring Andrews, F. L. Talcott, Alfred Edwards, John Jay, Martin Bates, W. H. Webb, J. G. Brooks,

James G. Bennett, R. B. Connolly, Paul Spofford, Smith Ely, Jr., O. Ottendorfer, M. B. Blake, Francis S. Lathrop, Henry Pierson, Isaac Delaplaine, Richard O'Gorman, Peter M. Bryson, Charles W. Sanford, Charles Aug. Davis, Henry E. Davies, Josiah Sutherland, Anth'y L.Robinson, James W. White, M. H. Grinnell, Geo. Opdyke, G. C. Verplanck, R. L. Stuart, Jas. S. Wadsworth, Simeon Draper, J. Punnett, Robt. J. Dillon, Samuel Sloan, Jno. C. Greene, Jno. McKeon, Royal Phelps.

Mr. HAVEMEYER, on taking the chair, made a few brief remarks, observing that in the course of his life he never had supposed that he would be called upon to perform the duty which all present were called upon to perform this day.

Mr. Havemeyer then introduced the Rev. Mr. PRESTON, who read a short prayer.

Mr. Witthaus was called upon to act as Secretary of the meeting, and a list of Vice-Presidents was read and adopted.

The resolutions were then read by Mr. RICHARD WARREN, and were adopted by a unanimous vote. During these proceedings the crowd in the square, fronting the stand, had augmented by tens of thousands, and the greatest degree of enthusiasm prevailed everywhere. The excitement increased at the appearance of Major Anderson on the platform, accompanied by Messrs. Simeon Draper and Police Superintendent Kennedy. The gallant Major was introduced to the Germans by Mr. Draper. The first speaker introduced was Mr. Coddington, and while he was speaking, Captain Foster and Dr. Crawford, the Surgeon of Fort Sumter, arrived on the platform. They were introduced by Mr. Warren, and were received with vociferous cheers. These gentlemen, as also Major Anderson previously, soon left the stand, and the speaker was permitted to proceed with the discourse.

SPEECH OF DAVID S. CODDINGTON.

FELLOW-CITIZENS:-The iron hail at Fort Sumter rattles on every Northern breast. It has shot away the last vestige of national and personal forbearance. A loaf of bread on its way to a starving man was split in two by a shot from his brother. You might saturate the cotton States with all the turpentine of North Carolina; you might throw upon them the vast pine forests of Georgia, then bury the Gulf storm's sharpest lightning into the combustible mass, and you would not redden the Southern horizon with so angry a glow as flashed along the Northern heart when the flames of Fort Sumter reached it. To-day, bewildered America, with her torn flag and her broken charter, looks to you to guard the one, and restore the other. How Europe stares and liberty shudders, as from State after State that flag falls, and the dream breaks! Hereafter Southern history will be as bare as the pole from which the sundered pennant sinks, and treason parts with the last rag that concealed its hideousness. I know how common and how easy it is to dissolve this Union in our mouths. Dangerous words, like dangerous places, possess a fearful fascination, and we sometimes look down from the heights of our prosperity with an irresistible itching to jump off. This spectre of disunion is no new ghost, born of any contemporary agitation. For years it has been skulking semi-officially about the Capitol. Through the whole range of our parliamentary history every great question, from a tariff to a Territory, has felt its clammy touch. Did it not drop its death's head into the tariff scales of '33, hoping to weigh the duties down to a conciliation level? did it not shoot its ghastly logic into the storm of '20, and frighten our soundest statesmanship into that crude calm called the Missouri Compromise? did it not sit grinning upon the deck of all our naval battles, hoping to get a turn at the wheel, that it might run the war of 1812 upon a rock? did it not stand up upon the floor of the first Congress and shake its bony fingers in the calm face of Washington? and did not our fathers, who stood unmoved the

shock of George the Third's cannon, shudder in the presence of this spectre, when they thought how the infant republic might be cast away upon its bleak and milkless breast? Then it was a thin, skulking, hatchet-faced ghost. At last, fed upon the granaries of Northern and Southern fanaticism, it has come to be a rotund, well fed, corpulent disaster. Southern passion may put on the war-paint; Southern statesmanship may attempt to organize a pique into an empire, to elevate a sulk into a sacrament, by marrying disappointment to revolution, and reducing a temporary constitutional minority into a hopeless organic political disaster. They may even propose in solemn convention to abolish the Fourth of July, and throw all its patriotic powder into the murderous arsenal of fratricidal conflict; but they cannot, except through self-destruction, permanently disrupt our nationality. Talk of the wise statesmanship of the South! Had they allowed Kansas to become a free State they would have been in possession of the national government at this moment. Although the repeal of the Missouri Compromise awoke the North from its deep sleep upon the slave question, yet the most economical outlay of prudence would have continued them in possession of the government for an indefinite future. Then Mexico would have been possible, without the awful leap which copies her morals without the possibility of possessing her territories. South Carolina once lived upon a potato to rout a king, and she is fast going back to that immortal vegetable, in order to crown a fallacy. Our republicanism means the whole nation, or it means nothing. Together, the parts temper each other; asunder, the aristocracy of the slave power makes equality a myth, and the free radical North less safely democratic. If Abraham Lincoln has inaugurated a crash; if George Washington is to be no longer known as the successful contender for a combined and self-regulating nationality; if Bishop Berkeley's star of empire has crumbled away into belligerent asteroids, and we are to fall, like Cæsar, at the base of this black Pompey's pillar, we shall at least go into this holy battle for the Constitution, with no law broken and no national duty unfulfilled. We have not stolen a single ship, or a pound of powder, or a dollar of coin to sully the sacred tramp with which patriotism pursues robbery and rebellion. All the ills of the South could have been remedied within the Constitution-all their wrongs righted by the victory of future votes. Shall I tell you what secession means? It means ambition in the Southern leaders and misapprehension in the Southern people. Its policy is to imperialize slavery; and to degrade and destroy the only free republic in the world. It is a fog of the brain and a poison at the heart. Dodging the halter, it walks in a volcano which must explode whenever the tempestuous shock of Northern invasion shall render slavery impossible. The day that Southern statesmanship turned pirate, Southern slavery lost its last hold on Northern forbearance. God forbid that servile war should ever be on our consciences; but what power could restrain the frenzied passion of continuously provoked multitudes, when the taste of blood has brutalized their march? We have not come here to talk about any man's party creed. We have not come to seek the falling fruits of patronage, but to save the beautiful and wide-spreading tree upon which all our blessings grow. Party and partyisms are dead; only grim, black powder is alive now. Who talks of Tammany or Mozart Hall? Who haunts the coal