Then the convention adjourned sine die, with nine cheers for the ticket, and as many more for the cause. ment. After supper from six to eight thousand persons assembled in the court house square to hear Governor Reeder. I regret my inability to report his speech. It occupied more thaṇ three hours in the delivery, and was listended to with the most intense interest by that vast multitude. Governor Reeder recounted in a plain, unvarnished manner, the series of outrages to which the settlers in Kansas had been exposed, and made evident the complicity of the federal government in those outrages. He showed how Kansas had been subjugated by the slave power of this country, partly through the connivance, and partly through the direct agency of the general governThe points made were clear and unanswerable. That speech if delivered throughout the nation, would leave it with but a single party, and a single purpose in it, so far as the masses are concerned. It showed the existence of a despotism with which there is nothing in the old world that will bear the slightest comparison,—a disregard of life and of property, and of all the rights of individuals, the like of which, even in the feeblest governments of the world, can nowhere else be found. —Occasionally, when describing the results of what now predominates on our frontier, or when contrasting the differences between what Kansas and the whole national domain east of the Pacific would be if consecrated to freedom, and what it must become should the great conspiracy to make a slave state of Kansas, prove successful. Governor Reeder's eloquence assumed a high character, but he avoided everything like declamation throughout his speech. There was deep feeling and strong passion aroused, and an irrepressible sympathy for our fellow-citizens in Kansas who were the victims of the wrongs and outrages recounted, but they were feelings and passions and sympathies awakened by the simple statement of facts as they had occurred within the knowledge and under the immediate observation of the speaker. But I can say no more now. The up train by which I design sending this will pass in a few moments, and I must close it up. I am satisfied, let me say however, before closing, that this day's deliberation have made an impress upon the public mind and heart that will not fade out during the present generation. The fire kindled here will spread throughout the state, and when the ides of November shall have passed away, Illinois will have entered a most emphatic protest against her recreant senator, and against her other representatives whose action has been instrumental in bringing the present perils upon the country. p. 27. Nicolay & Hay's History of Abraham Lincoln, Vol., 2, "There were stirring speeches by eloquent leaders, eagerly listened to, and vociferously applauded; but scarcely a man moved from his seat in the convention hall until Mr. Lincoln had been heard. Every one felt the fitness of his making the closing argument and exhortation, and right nobly did he honor their demand. A silence full of emotion filled the assembly, as for a moment before beginning, his tall form stood in commanding attitude on the rostrum, the impressiveness of his theme and the significance of the occasion reflected in his thoughtful and earnest features. The spell of the hour was visibly upon him, and holding his audience in rapt attention, he closed in a brilliant peroration with an appeal to the people to join the Republican standard, to Come as the winds come, when forests are rended; The influence was irresistible; the audience rose and acknowledged the speaker's power with cheer upon cheer. Unfortunately the speech was never reported; but its effect lives vividly in the memory of all who heard it, and it crowned his right to popular leadership in his own state which thereafter was never disputed." Letter of John H. Bryant, one of the vice-presidents of the convention, to the Evening Post of New York City, of which his brother, the poet, William Cullen Bryant, was editor. PRINCETON, ILL., June 5, 1856. You have some days since heard of our glorious convention at Bloomington on the 29th ult. It was indeed a glorious meeting. All parts of the state were represented, and all seem of one heart and one mind. There was no intriguing, no log-rolling, to secure votes for this or that candidate. The question, and the only question, seemed to be, who will best represent our principles, and at the same time secure the votes of the people. Happily on this point there was but one opinion, and the entire ticket was nominated and all the business of the convention executed without a difference of opinion worth naming. The convention was the largest, and contained more strong, earnest, truth-loving men, than were ever assembled at once before in our state. Old Democrats, old Whigs, and old Liberty men, who had never acted otherwise than with their respective parties before, here acted shoulder to shoulder, united by a feeling of common sympathy in devising means to save our heritage of liberty from destruction, and to drive back the all-grasping power of slavery, to its acknowledged bounds. I doubt if such unity and enthusiasm, in so large a body who have never before acted together, was ever before witnessed. No well-informed man has now any doubt as to the position Illinois will occupy in November next. The ticket placed before the people by the convention at Bloomington, with Bissell at its head, will sweep the state by at least 20,000 majority. I know that you eastern people have always put us down as a Nebraska state, or, at best, doubtful. Illinois will cast her votes for the candidates nominated at Philadelphia, and no mistake. Just look at it. In 1852, General Pierce with a smooth sea and the wind fair in his sail, only carried the state over Scott and Hale by 6,000 votes. In 1854 after the passage of the Nebraska bill, his party was beaten on congressional candidates by more that 15,000. Now after two years of misrule-after the burnings and butcheries of Kansas have roused up the people to a feeling of deeper indignation than was ever before known in this country, with the most popular state ticket ever placed before them, is it unreasonable to suppose that we can carry the state against Douglas and his followers? Besides all the changes among our old settlers in our favor, and they may be counted by thousands, even within the last three months, we have gained other thousands by emigration, for the emigration of the last two years has been largely in our favor. Let our eastern friends then no longer despond or despair in regard to Illinois. She is safe for freedom and the constitution—for republicanism and right. If you, of the Atlantic states, can give us Pennsylvania, it is all we ask of you. Give us Pennsylvania and we are safe. I hear of meetings, large and enthusiastic, in all parts of the state, held to ratify our state ticket, and give aid to the free state settlers of Kansas. At these meetings many of the old Democrats renounce their allegiance to their party, and declare in favor of ours. If these things continue, we shall hardly have more than one party by November. We are raising large amounts of money, horses, cattle, wagons, and other articles, to send to Kansas to sustain and encourage the free state settlers there. Almost every county in northern Illinois has had, or will have its meetings for this purpose, and the spirit and liberality manifested, shows how deeply the people are excited and aroused. Many people are going to Kansas from this vicinity to try their fortunes as settlers. They will go in companies across Iowa, prepared to defend themselves. There is no disposition here to give the matter up, as long as there is any hope of making a free state there. Still, the feeling is that the result of the presidential election will decide the fate of our western territories, in regard to freedom and slavery. If we cannot beat the slave power at the polls, we certainly cannot defeat their designs in Kansas, when they have the immense power of the general government in their hands. J. H. B. "The Lost Speech." At the convention of 1856, enthused by the sympathy of the audience and feeling perhaps a prophetic insight into the future. Mr. Lincoln made one of his great speeches, great even for him in which he showed the sinfulness of slavery and the need of a new party to curb the aggressions of the slave power, and so preserve the Union from impending destruction. His audience spell-bound by his eloquence and earnestness listened only to applaud. The reporters, affected the same as the other hearers, made no notes of the speech. This has been called the "Lost Speech" of Mr. Lincoln. Since then portions of this speech have lingered in men's minds like some half forgotten music which one thinks he can recall, but regretfully finds it an elusive dream. Lately there has been published a "Lost Speech" made up from alleged notes. The McLean County Historical Society does not think it proper to send out a report of this re-union without stating that in this community, where many now living heard the great speech and where Mr. Lincoln was so well known and loved, all of his friends consider the speech still lost. The Historical Society had hoped to recover from the memory of the still living hearers some portions of that speech but found their efforts in vain. |