and though but twenty-one years of age, it is the unanimous testimony of those acquainted with the service and the manner in which his duties were performed, that the experienced in the profession could not have been more faithful, or have rendered more honest and successful labor. Brought as young Conkling was by this public trust into intimate relations with the more prominent politicians of the period, and enjoying peculiar faculties for discerning the nature of a political life, from the time in which he accepted this position of attorney he may be said to have taken his first step in that career which gave to his later life its special force and coloring. The year 1850 to 1858 found him fully occupied, and gradually mastering the principles of law and government toward which his instincts, were urging him. His devotion to study was conscientious; for he was as anxious to witness the application of law as to know its sweep and genius. General and state and constitutional law received his attention as well as that which was more limited and local, so much so that when the hour came for his preferment, instead of advancing by gradual promotion from the district-attorneyship, he leaped by a single bound to the mayoralty of Utica. And it is pleasant to add that the records give unquestionable evidence, that of all who have ever occupied this honored position he was not only the youngest but was as faithful and as true to its responsibilities as those matured in years and experience. This was in 1858. At a subsequent election for mayor, owing to a tie vote he occupied the same position another year.

At the expiration of his service as mayor a wider field of usefulness opened to him; and as he had now fairly determined upon a political life, he was as anxious to possess that field as others far more experienced were that he should not. At this period, Hon. O. B. Matteson represented Mr. Conkling's congressional district, and although he had received the election four consecutive terms, he desired to be returned. Not a few, however, questioned his claim to such long occupancy of the distinguished position, and demanded that the nomination be proffered Mr. Conkling. As this proposal awakened dissensions in the party, and indirectly opened an easy way for the Democrats to carry off the prize, when the caucus was convened the name of Mr. Matteson was withdrawn, and the coveted nomination was cordially extended to Mr. Conkling, who subsequently was chosen. This election to Congress gave him unusual gratification, for while it revealed his personal popularity in his district, he at the same time read in it a reward for past devotion and labor to the party of his love. Now fairly upon the sea of political life, Mr. Conkling immediately gave himself anew to broader studies and purposes. National law, the true

relations of a republic to nations glorying in monarchical government, the revenue, tariff, internal improvements, state rights and the many practical questions brought into new life by this excitement of the day, occupied his mind, his familiarity with which was afterwards wisely utilized when the nation was called upon to plainly define its policy.

The appearance of Mr. Conkling in Washington marked an entirely new epoch in his history, and, as he often observed, contributed largely to the formation, widening, and stability of his political opinions. New faces awoke within him new thoughts, and representatives from different sections of the country, with different needs, broadened his ideas and purposes. His associates in national affairs were all that could be desired. Unhappily, however, the horizon was darkening with the coming storm, and its early flash and thunder he soon saw and heard.

In the debates of this Congress, though looking to the preservation of the Union or its dismemberment, Mr. Conkling was more of a watcher and listener than participator; the official position given him was chairmanship of the committee on the District of Columbia. In 1860 Mr. Conkling, receiving a re-election to Congress, returned to Washington; at this time in addition to his previous position he was appointed chairman of the special committee on Bankrupt Law.

Civil war was now well upon the nation, nor were the wisest able to discern how best to act. Sectional affairs had become less and less national; nor did any one know how soon an overt act would be committed, more especially as it had been affirmed that no Northern man not in sympathy with slavery should ever become the ruler of the nation. Meanwhile to test and cement the sentiment of the people several amendments were proposed to the Constitution, among which one declaring that "no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere with slavery in the states," provoked profound discussion; and though many acknowledged and worthy representatives of the North were ready to support this resolution, Mr. Conkling sternly opposed the proffer of any such peace offering, preferring by far that the questions involved should be decided upon their intrinsic merits. The active part which Mr. Conkling took in the discussion of this and other proposed amendments revealed not only his power as a debater, but his views also in relation to the perpetuity of the Union. Remembering his home, his education, and the character of the district he represented, on the subject of the hour he was pronounced, plain and positive. In no sense had he desire for war or bloodshed, nor was he in favor of the abolition of slavery; he believed that if all could approach the questions at issue

with an honest calmness, and laying aside all selfish interests consider the vexing problems in a truly judicial temper, the gathering difficulties might be dissipated and possibly the land spared the sight of fratricidal strife. During this same exciting period Mr. Conkling made a number of vigorous speeches far in advance of his previous opinions, which easily indicated his attitude and claim as a successful leader. His voice and vote were for Union, nor in his mind could the thought of its dissolution be entertained without the utmost fears for the welfare of all our republican institutions. In one of his more important addresses during this period he declared that the people of the North regarded slavery as an "insatiate monster-an iron-heeled, marble-hearted oppressor demanding three victims, the slave, the master and the land." Though an ardent friend of a conservative compromise, when the war became inevitable he immediately gave an undivided support to the administration, and for its vigorous prosecution became one of its boldest advocates. One of the more important features of this Congress, wherein Mr. Conkling played no inconsiderable part, was his opposition to the "Legal Tender Act of 1862." Although the bill was inspired by Secretary Chase, and drawn and promoted by one of the representatives from New York, Mr. Conkling preferred the issue of an interest-bearing note based on taxation, holding the banks to special payment and borrowing the money where it could be secured. It was Mr. Conkling's first leap over the traces that had so clearly defined party action. He was too independent to vote for what he did not approve; and if the question be the displeasure of his political associates or a violation of what he looked upon as unsound policy, his preferences led him to accept the former. Happily his desertion from party lines neither weakened his personal influence nor led to any questioning concerning his sincerity or his integrity; but when his political movements in other relations were reviewed he found himself surrounded by enemies.

As few victories had crowned the army of the North during the memorable years of 1861 and 1862, and the people at large had become discouraged by the slow successes which had come to the Republic, at the congressional election during this latter year Mr. Conkling, with others, failed of re-election. His professional rival in Utica, Hon. Francis Kernan, afterward his colleague in the senate, became his successor. But this temporary relief from governmental service only made more certain Mr. Conkling's return, two years later, to Washington; and particularly so, as these same years were passed in discussing among his constituents the problems of the amendments to the Constitution, and establishing the correctness of his views on the Legal Tender and other important measures.

of the South of legal age should be considered in this question, as well as the more favored at the North. His best reward for thus enfranchising the negro was practically the casting by the Southern delegation their solid votes for the nomination of General Grant in 1880. On the numerous perplexing questions of the hour he was given to great industry, and ever remained firm in demanding that the policy outlined by Mr. Lincoln should be the action of the government and the people. When Andrew Johnson became President, as his views differed so widely from those entertained by Mr. Conkling, a political unfriendliness broke out between them that time never healed. The "Civil Rights Bill" Mr. Conkling advocated with all his native earnestness, brilliancy of simile and stately