ested listener, and began to feel the stirring of new aspirations. The latter, at the outset, remained quiet, though, as Rainsford observes, the efforts in their behalf by Lafayette, Mirabeau, and the Abbé Gregoire made their condition a prominent topic of conversation and regret in half the towns of Europe.

The mulattoes, however, promptly insisted upon political equality; and at once arose between them and the whites a bitter struggle, which the vacillating course of home legislation-now favoring one party, now the other-prolonged and greatly intensified. It was a most deplorable state of affairs, and tore the colony dreadfully. Both sides were in arms, and not infrequently in bloody encounters. There were collisions, and then settlings towards repose; then fresh aggravations and impending conflict, followed by recedings from the verge of war.

Finally, May 15, 1791, the national assembly passed a decree-warmly supported by Lafayette, Condorcet, Gregoire, and other leaders-granting to the "people of color" full political rights. The tidings reached San Domingo in June, and fell like a thunderbolt from a clear sky. It at once consolidated all parties among the whites against the mother country. The colonists had been dividing against themselves, as the sentiment of the national assembly developed towards the enfranchisement of the colored races, some advocating one course-others, another. But race feeling is deeper than political feeling; and the whites, in the presence of the enforced equality of the "bastard and scorned" mulatto, by a natural esprit de corps, became consolidated. The worst, too, was feared from the decree's effect upon the slaves, who had already grown noticeably deliberative and restless. In a frenzy of rage they determined to reject the civic oath. They forced the governor to suspend the operation of the decree, till they could appeal to France. In the northern provincial assembly a motion was made to raise the British flag.

The mulattoes, alarmed, yet exasperated to the last degree, gathered in armed bodies. The sentiment prevailed that one or the other party must be exterminated. War seemed inevitable-when the blacks (August 15), rising in vast numbers, suddenly appeared upon the scene, and within four days laid one-third of the northern province in utter ruin.

The whites, in consternation, now promptly granted civil rights to the mulattoes, and these (generally slaveholders), turning against the blacks with all the zeal that the powerful interests of property inspire, peace appeared not improbable-when the fatal legislation of the national assembly reached its climax. For, moved by the remonstrances of the planters' agents, who raised the cry that the colony was about to be lost, and igno

rant of the black rising and the accord between whites and mulattoes, the assembly (September 24) repealed the decree of May 15. The mulattoes could not be persuaded that the planters had not instigated the repeallost all confidence in the whites-threw themselves into the negro campand a furious and fatal war ensued.

Thus perished-amid unparalleled scenes of uproar, butchery, and beastly outrage-this splendid colony, founded in the cruelties of the Spaniard and the buccaneer. It was a day of blood for blood-of vengeance for those wretched indigenes whose merciless slavery these blacks had been imported to bear.

PHILADELPHIA, PA

E. W. Gillian

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Said

While viewing the engrossed copy of the Declaration of American Independence on July 4, 1876, at old Independence Hall, Philadelphia, two strangers drew near, and the following conversation took place : Mr. A, in substance, "Well, I suppose that is the original, worldrenowed document, and those the signatures that were written upon it by the unparalleled heroes themselves, in this very room, just one hundred years ago to-day."

"Yes," said Mr. B, hesitatingly, "in the main, you may be right; but, for your statement to be critically correct, I think it will need some modifications."

With manifest surprise Mr. A-— replied, "I cannot conceive in what particulars. I have always understood the facts as I have stated, indeed the whole scene of the signing was indelibly impressed on my mind when a child, by Trumbull's excellent painting of it-the original of which I suppose is now in the Capitol, at Washington."

Said Mr. B. If you care to listen, it will please me to state some of the reasons why I made the remark which surprises you, for I have been something of a student in history."

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"Most assuredly. I shall be delighted," replied Mr. A-, " especially after having seen this paper myself, to learn what there is to learn about its history; it is a most important document, which brought into existence one of the most glorious and important nations of the world, and which lies at the foundation of all our free and happy republican institutions."

Mr. B then went on to say: "In the first place, you assume that the fifty-six signers, as they are called (Mr. Blaine says there were fiftyfive) were all present in this very hall, one hundred years ago, whereas the truth is, some of them were not even members of the Continental Congress at that time."

"Be pleased to name those

"You surprise me, sir," said Mr. Awho were not members at the time." "Well, sir, to begin with, Charles Carroll was elected a delegate from Maryland on that very fourth day of July, 1776; but he did not take his seat until the 18th day of the same month," replied Mr. B—. "Dr. Matthew Thornton was chosen a delegate from New Hampshire, September 12, 1776, but he did not take his seat until the 4th of November

following, four months after July 4, and, of course, neither he nor Charles Carroll signed it until after they had taken their seats. Thornton was the last who signed it, and Dr. Josiah Bartlett from the same colony was the first-his name being the first called at the time of the signing. Dr. Benjamin Rush, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, and George Ross, were elected delegates from Pennsylvania on the 20th day of July, 1776, and took their seats shortly after; so they were not present on the 4th.

"You also assume that none other than the fifty-six were then present, whereas Thomas McKean, of Delaware, states, in a letter to Mr. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, under date of September 26, 1796, that he himself was present in Congress, July Fourth, when the final vote was taken on the declaration, and that he personally knew that Henry Wisner, a delegate from New York, was then present, and approved of the declaration, and yet Wisner's name is not among the signers, as you perceive."

"This is all news to me!" exclaimed Mr. A- "You assume," continued Mr. B—, "that the vote on the Fourth approving of the declaration was unanimous, that all present voted for it. But it is certain that John Dickinson, a delegate from Pennsylvania, not only voted against it, but delivered a powerful speech in opposition to it, contending that a compromise with England was desirable and still practicable, and he doubted the policy of the declaration at that particular period, without some preliminary trials of our strength, and before the terms of the confederation had been settled, and foreign assistance made certain. Charley Humphreys and Thomas Willing from Pennsylvania, and George Read from Delaware, likewise voted against the declaration. Besides, although the delegates from New York were present, they all refrained from voting on that Fourth of July, claiming that they were restricted from doing so by that colony.

"Another important error is, that you assume that the declaration was generally signed July 4, 1776, whereas it was generally signed August 2, of that year. No one signed it on the 4th except John Hancock, the presi dent, as every act is signed by the presiding officer that is passed by a deliberative body, simply to attest its passage. Charles Thomson the Secretary, though not a delegate, also attested it.

"For a clear understanding of this whole subject, we need to recall the fact that after the Declaration was passed, and it appeared a bare majority of the delegates of each colony except New York (and they were personally favorable), was in favor of it, it was thought best to adjourn immediately, and return to their respective colonies, and report the state of affairs

to their constituents, hoping that the colonies which had restricted their delegates, among which were New York and Maryland, might be induced to withdraw their restrictions; and that the colonies whose delegates were divided, as Pennsylvania and Delaware, might be led to return such only as favored the declaration. This was done; and Congress, reassembling on the 15th of July, it was found that all present were favorable. On the 19th, Congress resolved that the declaration, which had been made on the 4th, should be engrossed on parchment, and be signed by every member present. It was so produced and signed on August 2. This is the engrossed copy that is before us, and not the original (the latter cannot now be found). On this we do not find the names of Robert R. Livingston, Dickinson, Wisner, Humphreys, and Willing, they not having returned after the recess.

"The fact is, the signing by all the members was not thought of on the 4th; but was a very happy after thought. By the resolution it was entitled 'The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of America in Congress Assembled.' The expression, 'The United States of America' was then and there originated and first employed. On the 4th only twelve colonies, and not thirteen, actually voted, as New York had no vote on that day. But her restrictions from voting for independence were recalled on the 9th of July, and on the 15th her delegates gave in their adhesion, and signed the Declaration August 2."

"But how came this colony," asked Mr. A-, "to pass such restrictions? Was she less liberty-loving than the other colonies?"

"Perhaps not," said Mr. B————, "but her situation was most unfortunate--much worse than any other. Her population, which was not then very large, was mainly confined to the city, Long Island, and along the Hudson. For the number of her inhabitants she had many rich men, for those times, and they had much at stake. The British army and navy had possession of the city and the control of the harbor and of the Hudson, and managed all the social, commercial, financial and legal interests of the entire colony. Many of the people were driven from their homes and. robbed of their property, and their lives, liberty, and safety, were constantly jeopardized. In reviewing the history of the four'signers' from New York-Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris, Philip Livingston, and William Floyd-we may learn how all, especially the wealthy, were situated.

"Doubtless you recollect that the beautiful and fertile manor of Morrisania, belonging to Lewis Morris, consisting of a thousand acres, mostly covered with very fine timber, which, from its proximity to the city, was of incalculable value, was destroyed, his house very greatly injured, his

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