July 15, 1781, commenced September 21, 1780, in a letter written to Clinton, giving an account of affairs in America, and setting forth the value of his extraordinary opportunities for observing the condition of those affairs.

February 4, 1781, Heron wrote again to Sir Henry Clinton an account of the Convention in Hartford to found a coalition between the Eastern and York Counties, stating what Parsons and Stark represented to him. with regard to the wretched condition of the American army, and the small number of the troops in the Highlands; and cautioning Clinton against those who would deceive him, at the same time repeating that he had special chances for knowing the secrets of the cabinet.

Heron's statement of the opinion of Parsons and Stark with regard to the condition of the American army is merely a repetition of what Parsons had already reported to Washington. March 11, 1781, Heron writes: "General Parsons' aid-de-camp whose name is Lawrence is soliciting leave to come in to see his mother. He thinks it is in our power to tamper with him, and that from Parsons' mercenary disposition there is little doubt of success."

April 24, 1781, Heron wrote again to Major De Lancey setting forth elaborately his delicate negotiations with Parsons, in which he had informed him of an interview with a New York gentleman in which Parsons was highly complimented. He added that Parsons listened with uncommon. attention, and considered that it might be best that he should resign his commission in the American army in order to give greater effect to his services for Clinton. Heron continues his letter by stating: "I have been necessitated to use all this circumlocution in order to convince him of the delicacy observed in making the above propositions, and that nothing was intended inconsistent with the purest principles of honor." Heron desired also "to secure himself a retreat" should the matter be "disagreeable to Parsons."

The next morning Heron "renewed his conversation" with General Parsons, and he adds: "I shall be in situation this summer (I hope) to render essential service, having carried my election against Judge Sanford who is of one of the first families in the place."

A note to this letter, made by De Lancey, gives a memorandum of the points Heron promises to get from General Parsons, such as the exact state of West Point; what troops; what magazines; who commands.

"Hiram" (Heron) is to let Sir Henry know what Parsons' wish is and "how we can serve him." He "makes no doubt of bringing Parsons to do what we wish."

About this time Heron wrote an account of the route taken by the

French troops, which he said he had thus early from General Parsons, "who had it from the French officers." June 17, 1781, Heron wrote that General Parsons assisted him in reaching New York at that time, and concerted measures for their future conduct with regard to conveying such intelligence as might come to his knowledge, but he (Heron) expresses still a doubt as to how far "intriguing persons" could be relied on; adding "I find the gentleman in question will not say he will go such length as I could wish,"-meaning General Parsons. July 15, 1781, Heron wrote the letter already quoted which he used as a vehicle for conveying the letter of a "confidential friend," the form in which according to agreement with Sir Henry Clinton information was hereafter to be conveyed to him by Heron, as suggested in the communication of June 17th.

In this correspondence which had continued with some regularity for six months, from February 9 to July 15, with the one exception of Sept. 21, 1780, Heron appears as a spy and an informer, whether for Gen. Parsons or for Sir Henry Clinton, contemporaneous events and correspondence alone can show. That he was not a sympathizer with the American cause was well known. Todd in the History of Redding says of him: "In the revolution he sided with the king, and was the recognized leader of the tories of Redding Ridge. At the time of Pryor's invasion he openly gave aid and comfort to the enemy." He is recorded as an enemy of the Declaration of Independence." At the same time he was a member of the Connecticut legislature in 1778, 1779, 1780, 1781, from 1784 to 1790, and in 1795 and 1796. "His position brought him in personal relations with the leading men of Connecticut, and he was in full correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton." "He stands well," says General Robertson of the British army, "with the officers of the Continental army-with General Parsons he is intimate, and is not suspected." So far as Sir Henry Clinton is concerned the value of his services was exceedingly small. The facts he furnished with regard to the American army were few and well known to all. He never succeeded in committing General Parsons to the enemy, on the contrary when asked by Major De Lancey, January 20, 1781, “Is it your opinion that General Parsons will enter so heartily as to make us hope he will take an open and determined stand in our favor?" he replies, "It is my opinion that he does not wish to take an open and above board part at present." Heron records no treasonable act of Parsons, and the only communication he secured from him was the "confidential friend "letter which might or might not have been intended for the eye of Sir Henry Clinton.

There is abundant evidence, however, that Heron was acting as a spy and informer for General Parsons and the Commander-in-Chief of the Amer

ican army, who were constantly using the information secured by American spies. Washington, through Captain Walker, one of his agents, was informed that great numbers from Connecticut " are removing to the state of Vermont," which was a place of refuge; and he wrote to General Parsons, 22d February, 1781: "Your knowledge of the country and character of the people will enable you best to conduct the investigation, and as you live in one of the counties where it seems to originate you may do it with less risk of suspicion. I have therefore to request that you will undertake the affair, and in the manner you think most likely to succeed, and will set out about it immediately. The person who will serve you as a spy must be assured of some generous compensation, such as would be an object to his family and secure his fidelity."

In his reply to this letter from Washington, dated March 14, 1781, General Parsons sets forth elaborately the state of the case to which Washington refers. He believes an association is formed to submit to the British government; that the number of associates is daily increasing; that their names are transmitted to New York as often as opportunity presents; that persons are employed to enlist these men; that regular stages of intelligence are established from the shores through the country to Canada; that dispatches have lately gone through these channels to Vermont. He thinks it will be difficult to detect the plan in its extent. He enlarges upon the extent and danger of the conspiracy, and upon the fact that great numbers in many towns are supplying the enemy with provisions, and are demoralizing the young men about them; suggesting that it is difficult to deal with the evil which has taken so deep root. He informs Washington. that the state has passed stringent laws against all who come into the state for plunder, and asks how he shall proceed under the circumstances. He concludes his letter as follows: "The spy employed among them has assurances of generous pay for all the time he employs and expenses incurred in the service, or a handsome gratuity when he has done what he can, to be settled in some more secure place if he is detected and obliged to fly from his present settlement (which will be the case if he is discovered), and if he succeeds in discovering the full extent of the plan, so that the concerned may be detected and it shall prove to be as extensive as is supposed he shall be gratified with an annuity of one hundred dollars per annum for life, as a reward for his services. I believe him faithful and industrious in making discoveries necessary."

On April 20, 1781, Parsons wrote to Washington: "The person on whom our principal dependence is placed has been very faithful, and employed almost the whole time in the service, and been at considerable

expense, which by reason of his indigent circumstances he is unable to support. I must, therefore, beg your Excellency to order him to be paid." It is altogether probable that these communications referred to Heron, of whom he wrote the following letter to General Washington, dated Danbury, Connecticut, 6th April, 1782:

"Dear General: When I was last with you I forgot to mention the name of Mr. William Heron, of Redding, who has for several years had opportunities of informing himself of the state of the enemy, their designs and intentions, with more certainty and precision than most men who have been employed. As I have now left service, I think it my duty to inform Your Excellency of this person, and my reasons for believing him more capable of rendering service that way than most people are, that he may be employed if necessary. He is a native of Ireland, a man of very large knowledge, and a great share of natural sagacity, united with a sound judgment, but of as unmeaning a countenance as any person in my acquaintance. With this appearance he is as little suspected as any man can be an officer in the department of the adjutant-general is a countryman and very intimate acquaintance of Mr. Heron, through which channel he has been able frequently to obtain important and very interesting intelligence. That he has had access to some of their secrets a few facts will show beyond a doubt. Your Excellency will remember I informed you of the contents of a letter you wrote to Virginia, which was intercepted a year ago, but not published. This letter of his friend shows him of the descent made last year on New London. I was informed by him and made a written representation of it to the governor and council three days before it took place. This he had through the same channel. He has frequently brought me the most accurate descriptions of the posts occupied by the enemy, and more rational accounts of their numbers, strength, and designs than I have been able to obtain in any other way. As to his character, I know him to be a consistent national Whig; he is always in the field on every alarm and has in every trial proved himself a man of bravery; he has a family and a considerable interest in this state, and from the beginning of the war has invariably followed the measures of the country. I might add, as a circumstance of his fidelity, his delivering a letter from General Arnold to Major Andrè to me instead of leaving it where it was directed, which letter you have. In opposition to this his enemies suggest he carries on an illicit trade with the enemy; but I have lived two years the next door to him, and am fully convinced he has never had a single article of any kind for sale during that time, nor do I believe he was, in the most distant manner, connected with commerce at that time

or any subsequent period. I know many persons of more exalted character are also accused, none more than Governor Trumbull, nor with less reason. I believe the governor and Mr. Heron as clear of this business as I am, and I know myself to be totally free from every thing which has the least connection with that commerce. I think it my duty to give this full information of his character, that if you should think it expedient to employ him you might have some knowledge of the man, that you might be better able to satisfy yourself, if you should send for him. I believe, on conversation, he would give you entire satisfaction. I am, dear General, with the highest esteem,

Your Excellency's ob't serv't,

SAMUEL H. PARSONS."

It is safe to assume that Heron was a professional spy, and was looked on by Parsons as such. There is no doubt that through him the governor of Connecticut knew of Arnold's expedition three days before it took place. And nowhere do we find that Parsons suspected him of treasonable designs. Heron may have been opposed to the doctrines on which the Revolutionary War was fought; but we find him engaged in the civil service of the state, and we may safely class his inconsistencies with the methods adopted by spies in transacting their business. His recorded treason is capable of this interpretation; his alleged treasonable acts are matters of tradition. Todd says: "The History of the Episcopal Church in Connecticut informs us that the Redding Association of Loyalists was a strong body, whose secret influence was felt throughout the mission of the venerable pastor." The pastor was the Rev. John Beach, an Episcopal minister of great power, who was settled at Redding Ridge, and who "declared that he would do his duty, preach, and pray for the king till the rebels cut his tongue out." Heron belonged to this church. But we should remember that while, in the town of Redding, Hawes and Hirlehigh and Hall and Kane and Kellogg and Lacy and Lane and Lyon and Maurow and Captain Morgan and Perry and the six Platts and Robbins and Seymour and Turner, most of whom were Episcopalians, and all of whom were loyalists, were banished and their estates confiscated, Heron remained in civil service throughout the war, and retained the confidence and regard of the American officers. Among the Trumbull papers has been found a significant letter of Heron to Parsons, which throws additional light on their relation to each other, and on the status of General Parsons. Heron writes, January 5, 1781, to Parsons that one McNeill had written him from New York that he had almost closed the settlement