The Political History of the United States of America, During the Great Rebellion, from November 6, 1860, to July 4, 1864: Including a Classified Summary of the Legislation of the Second Session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, the Three Sessions of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the First Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, with the Votes Thereon, and the Important Executive, Judicial, and Politico-military Facts of that Eventful Period; Together with the Organization, Legislation, and General Proceedings of the Rebel Administration |
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Page 18
I trust that this Convention when I was a member of that body . The Sti is not going ... This address will reach no one of the sible for the rendition of fugitive slaves . ... When we go before the world , if we p heartily subscribe .
I trust that this Convention when I was a member of that body . The Sti is not going ... This address will reach no one of the sible for the rendition of fugitive slaves . ... When we go before the world , if we p heartily subscribe .
Page 25
I would ask the same of all the other Southern States , so that if the evil has got beyond our control , which God , in his ... But let us not do any thing in which any portion of our people may charge us with rash or hasty action .
I would ask the same of all the other Southern States , so that if the evil has got beyond our control , which God , in his ... But let us not do any thing in which any portion of our people may charge us with rash or hasty action .
Page 27
The fact was , that they had prohibited the slave - trade , and did not mean to revive it . ... The very party in power has proposed to guarantee slavery forever in the States , if the South would but remain in the Union .
The fact was , that they had prohibited the slave - trade , and did not mean to revive it . ... The very party in power has proposed to guarantee slavery forever in the States , if the South would but remain in the Union .
Page 218
If they can give up slavery to destroy the Union , we can surely ask our people to consider the question of emancipation ... as from a higher desire to preserve free institutions for the benefit of men already free ; not to make slaves ...
If they can give up slavery to destroy the Union , we can surely ask our people to consider the question of emancipation ... as from a higher desire to preserve free institutions for the benefit of men already free ; not to make slaves ...
Page 292
Resolved , That freedom and slavery cannot co - exist in the same Government without producing endless strife and civil ... That the seceded States can only be put down , if at all , by being regarded as out of constitutional relations ...
Resolved , That freedom and slavery cannot co - exist in the same Government without producing endless strife and civil ... That the seceded States can only be put down , if at all , by being regarded as out of constitutional relations ...
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The Political History of the United States of America, During the Great ... Edward McPherson No preview available - 2015 |
Common terms and phrases
action adopted amendment Amos Myers appointed arms army arrest authority believe bill Blair Brown called cause Charles citizens civil claim Clark command Committee Confederate Congress considered Constitution Convention Court Davis Department directed district duty Edward election enemy Executive existing fact Federal follows force Francis fugitive give Government Hale Harris held House interest issued James John Johnson judge Kellogg labor Lane Legislature loyal majority March means ment military Morrill moved nays NAYS-Messrs necessary North object offered officers opinion Orlando Kellogg party passed peace persons present President proclamation proper proposed protection question reason rebel rebellion received Representatives resolution Resolved respect Rice Secretary secure Senate slavery slaves South Southern Steele territory thereof Thomas tion Union United Virginia vote Washington whereas White whole William Kellogg Wilson YEAS-Messrs
Popular passages
Page 97 - Constitution be laid before the United States in Congress assembled, and that it is the opinion of this Convention that it should afterwards be submitted to a Convention of Delegates, chosen in each State by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its Legislature, for their assent and ratification...
Page 89 - That the Constitution, and all Laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within the United States...
Page 106 - I, therefore, consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.
Page 136 - The prudent penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus -with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all — gives hope to all, and consequent energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all.
Page 108 - In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to " preserve, protect, and defend it.
Page 105 - I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration.
Page 106 - A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that, in contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual.
Page 97 - Individuals entering into society must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and circumstance, as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered and those which may be reserved ; and on the present occasion this difficulty was increased by a difference among the several states as to their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests.
Page 224 - Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this Administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation.
Page 105 - Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that " the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States?