the Delegates were self-elected, and held over the first | Congress. Mr. Hyer is reported to have taken the oath of allegiance to the Government of the United States. North Carolina-These Delegates were elected by the Convention, June 18, 1861. Mr. Ruffin afterwards became a cavalry colonel, and died in the spring of 1864, a prisoner in Alexandria, Va., of wounds received in battle. South Carolina-Mr. Memminger became Secretary of the Treasury, February 21, 1861. Mr. Keitt died in Rich mond, June 2, 1864, of wounds received May 31 in battle, colonel of the 20th South Carolina regiment. Mr. Chesnut served as aid to Beauregard at the bombardment of Sumter; and Mr. Miles as an aid at the battle of Bull Run. Tennessee-Admitted, at second session, in May, 1861; members took their seats at the third session. Texas-Admitted, at first session, March 2, 1861. Mr. Reagan resigned to become Postmaster General, March 6, 1861. Mr. Wigfall was appointed a brigadier general, October 29, 1861, but did not yield his seat in the "Provisional" or the "Permanent" Congress. Mr. Hemphill died January 4, 1862. Virginia-Admitted, at second session, May 7, 1861, when Messrs. Brockenbrough and Staples took their seats; the others were sworn at the third session, at Richmond, July 20, 1861. Mr. Hunter became Secretary of State, July 30, and resigned. Mr. Mason resigned in the fall of 1861 to go to England, and November 19 the State Convention elected Alexander R. Boteler to succeed him. The "Permanent" Administration. President Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi. CONFIRMED, MARCH 23, 1862. Secretary of State-Judah P. Benjamin, of Louisiana. Secretary of the Treasury-Charles G. Memminger, of South Carolina; resigned, in June, 1864, and succeeded by George A. Trenholm, of South Carolina. Secretary of War-George W. Randolph, of Virginia; resigned, and succeeded by James A. Seddon, of Virginia. Secretary of the Navy-Stephen R. Mallory, of Florida. Attorney General-Thomas H. Watts, of Alabama; resigned on election as Governor of Alabama, in November, 1863, and succeeded by George Davis, of North Carolina. Postmaster General-John H. Reagan, of Texas. MEMORANDUM. Mr. Randolph was appointed a colonel of Virginia troops by Governor Letcher, in the fall of 1861; tendered his resignation but withdrew it, and in November of that year appointed a brigadier general, and assigned to the command of the district between Suffolk, in Nansemond, and Weldon, on the Roanoke; he was a candidate for Congress in November, 1861, but withdrew on the morning of the election. Missouri-John B. Clark, Robert L. Y. Peyton. MEMORANDUM. Jefferson Davis was inaugurated as "Permanent" President of the "Confederate" States, February 22, 1862, în Richmond. On the first day of the session, Vice President Stephens presiding, Robert M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, was elected President pro tempore; James H. Nash, of South Carolina, Secretary; and James Page, of North Carolina, Doorkeeper. Alabama-Mr.Yancey died, and Robert Jemison was elected, August 22, 1863, to the vacancy. Arkansas-Mr. Mitchel had been elected, shortly before secession, to the United States Senate for six years, from March 4, 1861. Georgia--Mr. Toombs having accepted a brigadier's commission did not take his seat, and he was succeeded, March, 1862, by Dr. John W. Lewis, appointed by Governor Brown, and, December, 1862, by Herschel V. Johnson, elected by the Legislature. Mississippi-Mr. Brown, when elected, was captain of a company in the 17th Mississippi volunteers. Mr. Walter Brooke was at first announced elected over Mr. Phelan, but the latter appeared and' was qualified at the first session. North Carolina-Mr. Davis, when he resigned to become Attorney General, was succeeded by William A. Graham. Tennessee-Mr. Henry, early in 1862, was A. A. G. on General Pillow's staff. Virginia-Mr. Preston was succeeded, January 28, 1863, by Allen T. Caperton. REPRESENTATIVES. Speaker-Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia. Arkansas-Felix I. Batson, Grandison D. Royston, Augus- Augustus H. Kenan, Daniel W. Lewis, William W. Kentucky-Willis B. Machen, John W. Crockett, Henry Louisiana-Charles J. Villere, Charles M. Conrad, Duncan F. Kenner, Lucius J. Dupre, Henry Marshall, John Perkins, Jr.-6. Mr. Memminger was born in Wirtemberg, Germany, Janu- Mississippi* J. W. Clapp, Reuben Davis, Israel Welsh, ary 7, 1803; was brought to this country when nine years old; was early left an orphan; adopted by Gover nor Thomas Bennett, and educated in South Carolina college, graduating in 1820; began the practice of law in 1825; in 1832-33 he was against nullification; for nearly twenty years he was at the head of the Finance Committee of the lower house of the Legislature of South Carolina, retiring in 1852; he filled other State offices. THE FIRST CONGRESS. It held four sessions: The first from February 18 to April 21, 1862. Alabama-William L. Yancey, Clement C. Clay, Jr. * See memorandum at the end of the list. *See memorandum at the end of the list. + Members sworn August 18, 1862. The Provisional Le gislature of Kentucky thus districted the State: First District-Fulton, Hickman, McCracken, Graves, Calloway, Marshall, Livingston, Lyon, Caldwell, Trigg, Ballard. Second District-Union, Webster, Hopkins, Christian, Todd, Fourth District-Logan, Simpson, Allen, Monroe, Barren, Fifth District Cumberland, Clinton, Wayne, Pulaski, Eighth District-Henry, Trimble, Carroll, Boone, Gallatin, Ninth District-Pendleton, Bracken, Nicholas, Harrison, Bourbon, Fleming, Mason. Tenth District-Bath, Lewis, Greenup, Boyd, Carter, Lawrence, Montgomery, Powell, Morgan, Rowan, Wolfe, Estill, Magoffin. Eleventh District-Franklin, Woodford, Jessamine, Fayette, Madison, Clarke, Owen, Scott. Twelfth District-Rockcastle, Knox, Harlan, Laurel, Whitley, Clay, Perry, Owsley, Letcher, Breathitt, Floyd, Pike, Johnson, Jackson. Henry C. Chambers, Otho R. Singleton, Ethelbert Barksdale, John J. McRae-7. Missouri-Thomas A. Harris, Casper W. Bell, A. H. Conrow, George G. Vest, Thomas W. Freeman, William H. Cook -6. North Carolina-W. N. H. Smith, Robert R. Bridgers, Owen R. Konan, Thomas D. McDowell, A. H. Arrington, J. B. McLean, Thomas S. Ashe, William Lander, Burgess S. Gaither, A. J. Davidson-10. South Carolina-John McQueen, William Porcher Miles, Milledge L. Bonham, William D. Simpson, James Farrow, William W. Boyce-6. Tennessee-Joseph B. Heiskell, William G. Swan, William B. Tibbs, E. L. Gardenhire, Henry S. Foote, Meredith P. Gentry, George W. Jones, Thomas Mences, John D. C. Atkins, John V. Wright, David M. Currin-11. Tezas John A. Wilcox, Clark C. Herbert, Peter W. Gray, B. F. Sexton, Malcolm D. Graham, William B. Wright -6. Virginia-Muscoe R. H. Garnett, John R. Chambliss, James Lyons, Roger A. Pryor, Thomas S. Bocock, John Goode, Jr., James P. Holcombe, D. C. De Jarnette, William Smith, Alexander R. Boteler, John B. Baldwin, Waller R. Staples, Walter Preston, Albert G. Jenkins, Robert Johnson, Charles W. Russell-16. October 9, 1862, at the second session, Elias C. Boudinot was admitted a Delegate from the Cherokee nation. South Carolina- Mr. Bonham was elected Governor in January, 1863, and was succeeded by Lewis M. Ayer. Tennessee-Mr. Currin died during the Congress, after his election to the second Congress. Texas-Mr. Wilcox died during the Congress, after his election to the second Congress. Virginia-Mr. Garnett died, January 12, 1864. Mr. Pryor was appointed a brigadier general in the fall of 1862, and was succeeded by Charles F. Collier. Mr. Smith accepted a colonel's commission, was succeeded by David Funsten, and was elected Governor in 1863. Mr. Baldwin was appointed a colonel of Virginia troops in the fall of 1861, by Governor Letcher. Mr. Jenkins was appointed brigadier general, and resigned in June or July, 1862; was succeeded by Samuel A. Miller; and died in the summer of 1864, in Southwestern Virginia, of wounds received in battle. THE SECOND CONGRESS. FEBRUARY 19, 1864, TO FEBRUARY 18, 1866. The first session closed June 15; next session in November. SENATORS. The following are the changes from the first Congress: Alabama-Richard Wilde Walker, in place of Clement C. Clay, Jr. Mississippi-J. W. C. Watson, in place of James Phelan. * See memorandum at the end of the list. Missouri-Waldo P. Johnson, in place of Mr. Peyton Speaker-Thomas S. Bocock, of Virginia. Arkansas-Felix I. Batson, Rufus K. Garland, Augustus Kentucky-Willis B. Machen, George W. Triplett, Henry * Louisiana-Charles J. Villers, Charles M. Conrad,* Duncan F. Kenner, Lucius J. Dupre, B. L. Hodge, John Per kins, Jr.* Mississippi - John A. Orr, William D. Holder,* Israel Welsh, Honry C. Chambers, Otho R. Singleton,* Ethel bert Barksdale, J. T. Lumpkin. Missouri, (supposed)-Thomas L. Snead, N. L. Norton, Thomas H. Price, A. H. Conrow,* G. G. Vest, Thomas W. Freeman, R. A. Hatcher. North Carolina-William N. H. Smith, Robert R. Bridgers, J. T. Leach, Thomas C. Fuller, Josiah Turner, Jeka A. Gilmer, James M. Leach, J. G. Ramsay, Burgess S Gaither, George W. Logan. South Carolina-James M. Witherspoon, William Porcher Colyer, John P. Murray, Henry S. Foote, E. A. Keeble, Teras-C. C. Herbert,* A. M. Branch, B. F. Sexton, A. R. Virginia-Robert L. Moutague, R. H. Whitfield, William C. Wickham, T. S. Gholson, Thomas S. Bocock,* John Goode, Jr., William C. Rives, Daniel C. De Jardin,® David Funsten, F. W. M. Holladay, John B. Baldwin, Waller R. Staples,* Fayette McMullen, Samuel A. Miller, Robert Johnson, Charles W. Russell.* * Those marked thus were members of the last Congress +1864, May 3-Mr. Chilton offered this resolution, which was adopted-yeas 60, nays 6: Whereas, the report is in circulation and has found its way into the public prints impugning the loyalty of the Hon. Williamson R. W. Cobb, member elect of this House from the State of Alabama, and tending to show that he is in complicity with and giving aid and comfort to the ene mies of the Confederate States, and therefore unfit to be a representative of a loyal constituency: Therefore, Resolved, That a committee of five members be appointed by the Speaker to inquire into such reports, and to collect and report upon the testimony bearing upon the loyalty or disloyalty of said member, and report the same to this House, with such recommendation as to its further action in the premises as to said committee shall seem proper; and that Mr. Cobb be notified by the committee, if practi cable, of the sitting of the committee, and that said cotamittee have power to send for persons and papers. Mr. Cobb has since come within our lines. NATIONAL POLITICAL CONVENTIONS. Union National Convention. This body met at 12 o'clock, noon, on Tuesday, June 7, at Baitimore, in accordance with the call of the National Executive Committee: The undersigned, who by original appointment, or subse" quent designation to fill vacancies, constitute the Executive Committee created by the National Convention held at Chicago on the 16th day of May, 1860, do hereby call upon all qualified voters who desire the unconditional maintenance of the Union, the supremacy of the Constitution, and the complete suppression of the existing rebellion, with the cause thereof, by vigorous war, and all apt and efficient means, to sent delegates to a convention to assemble at Baltimore on Tuesday, the 7th day of June, 1864, at 12 o'clock, noon, for the purpose of presenting candidates for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States. Each State having a representation in Congress will be entitled to as many delegates as shall be equal to twice the number of electors to which such State is entitled in the Electoral College of the United States. EDWIN D. MORGAN, New York, Chairman. E. H. ROLLINS, New Hampshire. J. Z. GOODRICH, Massachusetts. HERBERT M. HOXIE, Iowa. JOS. GERHARDT, District of Columbia. The Convention was called to order by the Chairman of the Executive Committee, Senator Morgan, of New York, who said: MEMBERS OF THE CONVENTION: It is a little more than eight years since it was resolved to form a national party, to be conducted upon the principles and policy which had been established and maintained by those illustrious statesmen-George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. A convention was held in Philadelphia under the shade of the trees that surround the Hall of Independence, and our candidates, Messrs. Fremont and Dayton, were there nominated, who were to espouse our cause and maintain it; but the State of Pennsylvania gave its electoral vote to James Buchanan, and the election in 1856 was lost. Nothing daunted by defeat, it was immediately determined to fight upon this line-[applause]-not only all summer, but four summers and four winters; and, in 1860, the party banner was again unfurled with the names of Abraham Lincoln [enthusiastic applause] and Hannibal Hamlin [renewed applause] inscribed thereon. This time it was successful. [Applause.] But with success came rebellion; with rebel lion of course came war, a terrible civil war, which hat continued up to the period when it becomes necessary under our Constitution to prepare for another Presidential election; and it is for this highly responsible purpose that you are to-day assembled. It is not my duty nor my pur pose to indicate any general plan of action for this convention, and yet I trust I may be permitted to say, that, in view of the dread realities of the past, and of what is passing at this moment, the fact that the bones of our soldiers are bleaching in every State of this Union, and with a knowledge of the further fact that this has all been caused by slavery, the party of which you, gentlemen, are the honored representatives, will fall short of accomplishing its great mission unless, among its other resolves, it shall declare for such amendment of the Constitution as will positively prohibit African slavery in the United States. [Most enthusiastic and prolonged applause, the whole assembly rising to its feet and cheering lustily, the ladies waving their handkerchiefs, and the men their hats and canes.] Order being restored, Senator Morgan proceeded. On behalf of the National Committee, I now propose for temporary president of the convention, Robert J. Breckin*ridge, of Kentucky. [Loud applause.] On being introduced, Dr. Breckinridge, who was most enthusiastically received, said: GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: You cannot be more sensible than I am, that the part which I have to perform here to-day is merely a matter of form; and, acting upon the principle of my whole life, when the suggestion was made to me from various quarters that it was in the mind of many members of the convention to confer this distinction upon me, I honestly declined to accept of it, because I have never sought honors. I have never sought distinction; I have been a working man and nothing else. But two considerations led me to change my mind. One was personal to a class of men in the country, far too small for the good of the country-those men who, merely by their example, by their pens, and by their voice, try to do good, and all the more in perilous times, without regard to the rewards that may come. It was good to make such men understand by the distinction conferred upon one of the humblest of their class, that they were men that the country would cherish and who would not be forgotten. [Applause.] The other motive related to yourselves and to the country at large; and it is good for you-it is good for every nation, every State, and every party-to cherish all generous impulses, to follow all noble instincts; and there are none more generous and none more noble than to purge yourselves of all self-seekers and betrayers, and to confer your favors, if it be only in the mere form, upon those who are worthy to be trusted, and ask nothing more. [Applause.] Now according to my convictions of propriety, baving said this, I should say nothing more. [Cries of "go on."] But it has been intimated to me from many quarters, and in a way which I cannot disregard, that I should disappoint the wishes of my friends, and perhaps the just expectations of the Convention, if I did not as briefly, and yet as precisely as I could, say somewhat upon the great matters which have brought us here. Therefore, in a very few words, and as plainly as I can, I will endeavor to draw your attention to one and another of these great matters in which we are all engaged. In the first place, nothing can be more plain than the fact that you are here as the representatives of a great nation-voluntary representatives chosen without forms of law, but as really representing the feelings, the principles, and if you choose, the prejudices of the American people, as if it were written in laws and already passed by votes-war, except upon a denial of the fundamental principles of for the man that you will nominate here for the Presidency all free governments--that the major part must rule; and of the United States, and ruler of a great people in a great there is no other method of carrying on society, except that cricis, is just as certain I suppose to become that ruler as the will of the majority shall be the will of the whide-or anything under heaven is certain before it is done. [Pro- that the will of the minority shall be the will of the whole. longed cheering.] And, moreover, you will allow me to So that, in one word, to deny the principles I have tried to say, though perhaps it is hardly strictly proper that I state is to make a dogmatic assertion that the only form should-but as far as I know your opinions I suppose it is of government that is possible with perfect liberty and just as certain now before you utter it whose name you will acknowledged by God is a pure and absolute despotism. utter, and which will be responded to from one end to the The principles therefore which I am trying to state befo other of this nation, as it will be after it has been uttered you are principles which, if they bo not true, Ecedora is and recorded by your secretary. Does any man doubt that impossible, and no government but one of pure fore: can this Convention intends to say that Abraham Lincoln shall exist or ought to endure among men. But the id which be the nominee? [Great applause.] What I wish, how- I wished to carry ont, as the remedy for these troubles aul ever, to call your attention to is the grandeur of the mis-sorrows, is this: Dreadful as they are, this fearful truth sion upon which you are met, and therefore the dignity and runs through the whole history of mankind, that whatever solemnity, earnestness and conscientiousness with which, else may be done to give stability to authority, whatever representing one of the greatest and certainly one of the else may be done to give perpetuity to institutions-howfirst people of the world, you ought to discharge these ever wise, however glorious, practicable, and just may be duties. (Applause.] the philosophy of it-it has been found that the only enduring, the only imperishable cement of all free institutions, has been the blood of traitors. No Government has ever been built upon imperishable foundations which founda tions were not laid in the blood of traitors. It is a fearful truth, but we had as well avow it at once, and every lick you strike, and every rebel you kill, every battle you win, dreadful as it is to do it, you are adding, it may be, a yearit may be ten years-it may be a century-it may be ten centuries to the life of the Government and the freedom of your children. [Great applause.] Now, passing over that idea-passing over many other things which it would be right for me to say, did the time serve and were this the occasion, let me add-you are a Union party. [Applause.] Your origin has been referred to as having occurred eight years ago. In one sense it is true. But you are far older than that. I see before me not only primitive Republicans and primitive Abolitionists, but I see also primitive Democrats and primitive Whigs-primitive Americans, and, if you will allow me to say so, I myself am here, who all my life have been in a party to myself. [Laughter and applause.] As a Union party I will follow you to the ends of the earth and to the gates of death. Applause.] But as an Abolition party-as a Republican party-as a Whig party-as a Democratic party-as an American party, I will not follow you one foot. [Applause.] But it is true of the mass of the American people, however you may divide and scatter while this war lasts, while the country is in peril, while you call yourselves as you do in the call of the Convention, the Union party-you are for the preservation of the Union and the destruction of this rebellion, root and branch. And in my judgment, one of the greatest errors that has been committed by our administration of the Federal Government, the Chief of which we are about to nominate for another term of office-one of the errors has been to believe that we have succeeded where we have not succeeded, and to act in a manner which is precisely as if we had succeeded, You will not, you cannot, succeed until you have utterly broken up the military power of these people. [Applause.] Now, besides the nomination of President and Vice President, in regard to which second office I will say nothing, because I know there is more or less difference of opinion among you; but besides these nominations, you have other most solemn duties to perform. You have to organize this party thoroughly throughout the United States. You have to put it in whatever form your wisdom will suggest that will unite all your wisdom, energy, and determination to gain the victory which I have already said was in our power. More than that, you have to lay down with clearness and precision the principles on which you intend to carry out this great political contest and prosecute the war which is underneath them, and the glory of the country which lies before us if we succeed. Plainly not in a double sense-briefly-not in a treatise-with the dignity and precision of a great people to utter, by its representatives, the political principles by which they intend to live, and for the sake of which they are willing to die. So that all men everywhere may understand precisely what we mean, and lay that furrow so deeply and clearly that while every man who is worthy to associate with freemen may see it and pass over it, every man who is unworthy may be either unable to pass it or may be driven far from us. We want none but those who are like us to be with us. [Applause.] Now, among these principles, if you will allow me to say it, the first and most distinct is, that we do not intend to permit this nation to be destroyed. [Applause.] We are a nation-no doubt a peculiar one-a nation formed of States, and no nation except as these States form it. And these States are no States except as they are States in that nation. They had no more right to repudiate the nation than the nation has to repudiate them. None of them had even the shadow of a right to do this, and God helping us, we will vindicate that truth so that it shall never be disputed any more in this world. [Applause.] It is a fearful alternative that is set before us, but there are great compensations for it. Those of you who have alluded to this subject know, or ought to know, that from the foundation of the present Government, before and since our present Constitution was formed, there have always been parties that had no faith in I will not detain you upon these incidental points, one of our Government. The men that formed it were doubtful which has been made prominent in the remarks of the ex of its success, and the men that opposed its formation did cellent Chairman of the National Committee. I do not not desire its success. And I am bold to say, without detain- know that I would be willing to go so far as probably he ing you on this subject, that with all the outcry about our would. But I cordially agree with him in this-I think, violations of the Constitution, this present living genera- considering what has been done about slavery, taking the tion and this present Union party are more thoroughly thing as it now stands, overlooking altogether, either in devoted to that Constitution than any generation that has the way of condemnation or in the way of approval, any ever lived under it. [Applause.] While I say that, and act that has brought us to the point where we are, but be solemnly believe it, and believe it is capable of the strongest lieving in my conscience and with all my heart, that what proof, I may also add that it is a great error which is being has brought us where we are in the matter of slavery, is propagated in our land, to say that our national life depends the original sin and folly of treason and secession, because merely upon the sustaining of that Constitution. Our you remember that the Chicago Convention itself was unfathers made it, and we love it. We intend to maintain derstood to say, and I believe it virtually did explicitly it. But if it suits us to change it we can do so. [Applause.] say, that they would not touch slavery in the States. Leav And when it suits us to change it we will change it. [Ap- ing it therefore altogether out of the question how we came plause.] If it were torn into ten thousand pieces the where we are, on that particular point, we are prepared to nation would be as much a nation as it was before the go further than the original Republicans themselves were Constitution was made-a nation always that declared its prepared to go. We are prepared to demand not only that independence as a united people, and lived as a united people the whole territory of the United States shall not be made until now-a nation independent of all particular institu- slave, but that the General Government of the American tions under which they lived, and capable of modelling people shall do one of two things-and it appears to me them precisely as their interests require. We ought to that there is nothing else that can be done either to use have it distinctly understood by friends and enemies that the whole power of the Government, both the war power while we love that instrument we will maintain it, and and the peace power, to put slavery as nearly as possible will, with undoubted certainty, put to death friend or foe back where it was-for, although that would be a fearful who undertakes to trample it under foot; yet, beyond a state of society, it is better than anarchy; or else to use doubt, we will reserve the right to alter it to suit ourselves the whole power of the Government, both of war and peace, from time to time and from generation to generation. [Ap- and all the practical power that the people of the United plause.] One more idea on that subject. We have incor- States will give them to exterminate and extinguish slav porated in that instrument the right of revolution, which ery. [Prolonged applause.] gives us, without a doubt, the right to change it. It never existed before the American States, and by the right to change there is no need of rebellion, insurrection, or civil I have no hesitation in saying for myself that if I were a pro-slavery man, if I believed this institution was an or dinance of God, and was given to man, 1 would unhesitat ingly join those who demand that the Government should consecrated; the patriotic harmony that has marked our be put back where it was. But I am not a pro-slavery man-assembling and will characterize all our proceedings, and I never was; I unite myself with those who believe it is presenting that harmony which will display itself in the contrary to the brightest interests of all men and of all unanimous nomination for the Presidency of the United governments, contrary to the spirit of the Christian religion, States of the wise and good man whose unselfish devotion and incompatible with the natural rights of man. I join to the country, in the administration of the Government, myself with those who say away with it forever; [applause;] has secured to him not only the admiration, but the warmand I fervently pray God that the day may come when est affection of every friend of constitutional liberty? [Apthroughout the whole land every man may be as free as you plause.] are, and as capable of enjoying regulated liberty. [Pro- I need not remind you of the very grave responsibilities longed applause.] that devolve upon you as members of this convention. The loyal people of the country have authorized and expect you to renew on their part the pledge of their faith to support the Government, in the most vigorous prosecution of the war, to the complete suppression of the rebellion, regardless of the time or the resources required to that end, and they equally expect and call upon you to declare the cause and the support of the rebellion to be slavery, which, as well for its treasonable offences against the Government as for its incompatibility with the rights of humanity and the permanent peace of the country, must, with the termination of the war, and as much speedier as possible, be made to cease forever in every State and Territory of the Union. But I must not refer to other subjects of interest that will challenge your attention. I will not detain you any longer. One single word you will allow me to say in behalf of the State from which I come, one of the smallest of the thousands of Israel. We know very well that our eleven votes are of no consequence in the Presidential election. We know very well that in our present unhappy condition, it is by no means certain that we are here to-day representing the party that will cast the majority of the votes in that unhappy State. I know very well that the sentiments which I am uttering will cause me great odium in the State in which I was born, which I love, where the bones of two generations of my ancestors and some of my children are, and where very soon I shall lay my own. I know very well that my colleagues will incur odium if they indorse what I say, and they, too, know it. But we have put our faces toward the way in which we intend to go, and we will go in it to the end. If we are to perish, we will perish in that way. All I have to say to you is, help us if you can; if you cannot, believe in your hearts that we have died like men. Rev. J. McKendree Reilly, of the Methodist Episcopal church, offered a prayer, when those States which are represented.in Congress were called for lists of delegates. At the evening session of Tuesday the permanent organization was made, with Hon. WILLIAM DENNISON, of Ohio, as President. On taking the chair, he said: I thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me, and while I will bring to the discharge of the duties of the chair little experience in parliamentary rules, it will be my pleasure, as my duty, to spare no effort in contributing, to the extent of my ability, to the facilitating of the business of the Convention, and securing such results from your deliberations as will meet the loyal expectations of the country. We meet here as representatives of the true friends of the Government and of impartial liberty-of that large portion of the people who gratefully appreciate the unmatched blessings which flow from our institutions well administered, and reject any form of human enslavement, not in punishment of crime, as no less incompatible with the rights of humanity than with the genius and the peaceful workings of republican government. [Prolonged applause.] In no sense do we meet as members or representatives of either of the old political parties which bound the people, or as the champions of any principle or doctrine peculiar to either. The extraordinary condition of the country since the outbreak of the rebellion has, from necessity, taken from the issues of these parties their practical significance, and compelled the formation of substantially new political organizations; hence the origin of the Union party if party it can be called-of which this Convention is for the purpose of its assembling the accredited representatives, and the only test of membership in which is an unreserved, unconditional loyalty to the Government and the Union. Let me congratulate you upon the favorable auspices of your meeting. While the deepest anxiety is felt by all patriotic men as to the result of the war unjustifiably forced upon the Government by the bad, ambitious men and their deceived followers in the rebellious States, and the country is filled with distress and mourning over the loss of so many of our brave men who have fallen in battle, or died in hospitals from wounds received in defence of the constitutional authorities of the Government, we yet have, in what has been accomplished towards the suppression of the rebellion and the extinguishment of its cause-in the heroic deeds of our noble armies and gallant navy-in the renewal of the patriotism of the country that almost seemed to be paralyzed under the influence of our national prosperity-in the unprecedented generosity of the people, awakened by the wants of the Government and the necessities of its defenders-much, very much of the highest felicitation, and for which the country is grateful to Almighty God. [Applause.] And may I not add to these causes of congratulation the formation of the political organization of which this Convention is a representative, which has so nobly sustained the Government in its efforts to put down the rebellion, and Let me repeat my thanks for your expressions of confidence in me in having selected me to preside over your de liberations. [Applause.] REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. Mr. PRESTON KING, of New York, submitted the report of the majority committee; which was substantially as follows: 1st. That the delegations from the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, Oregon, California, Kansas, and West Virginia were all regular, and are admitted to seats with all the rights and privileges of members, except one district of Pennsyl vania, which had elected four instead of two members. The committee admit the two who received the largest number of votes as delegates, and the other two as alternates. 2d. That there being two delegations from the State of Missouri, claiming seats, the committee recommend that those styling themselves the Union Radical Delegation bo awarded the seats. [Applause and cheering.] 3d. That the delegates from Virginia, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas be admitted to all the privileges of the floor, except that of voting. 4th. That the delegations from the Territories and the District of Columbia be admitted to seats and all the privileges except that of voting. 5th. That the persons presenting themselves as delegates from the State of South Carolina are not entitled to the rights of delegates on the floor. Mr. W. E. STEVENSON, of Virginia, and Mr. HIRAM SMITH, of Oregon, made a minority report, and recommended that the delegates from the States of Virginia, Louisiana, Arkansas, Kansas, Tennessee, and Florida, and from all the Territories, be admitted, with the right to vote. Mr. A. H. INSLEY, of Kansas, made a report arguing that, especially in the cases of the Territories of Nebraska, Colorado, and Nevada, the delegates be admitted with the right to vote. That part of the report of the majority relating to the uncontested seats was then adopted. Mr. KING, of New York, offered a substitute covering three points in report of the majority: 1st. He proposed to admit both of the Missouri delega tions, and that where they agree they cast the vote to which the State is entitled; where they disagree, the vote of the State shall not be cast. 2d. He proposed to give all the delegates admitted all the rights and privileges of delegates, without exception; but that the District of Columbia and the Territories should have but two votes each, and that no State, District, or Territory should cast more votes than it has delegates pres ent in the Convention. A division of the question was called, to the complete accomplishment of which its energies are souri was lost; and the report of the committee, |