reconcile," and said it would "require a high patriotism. and an elevated comprehension of the whole country and its varied interests, opinions and prejudices," to bring it "back again to its former harmonious, consolidated and prosperous condition;" that "the present political divisions have sorely afflicted" the people of New York City "all her material interests are paralyzed," and "her commercial greatness is endangered." "We fear," he added, "if the Union dies, the present supremacy of New York may perish with it;" and suggested the use of "peaceful and conciliatory means" as the only practicable way to restore "fraternal relations between the States." The address was courteous in tone, and well represented the feelings of the commercial classes, no doubt, in the larger cities in general. Lincoln responded:

Mr. Mayor: It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my acknowledgments for the reception given me in the great commercial city of New York. I can not but remember that this is done by a people who do not, by a majority, agree with me in political sentiment. It is the more grateful because in this I see that for the great principles of our Government the people are almost unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this time, and of which your Honor has thought fit to speak so becomingly, and so justly, as I suppose, I can only say that I agree in the sentiments expressed. In my devotion to the Union, I hope I am behind no man in the nation. In the wisdom with which to conduct the affairs tending to the preservation of the Union, I fear that too great confidence may have been reposed in me; but I am sure I bring a heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that would ever bring me to willingly consent to the destruction of this Union, under which not only the great commercial city of New York, but the whole country, acquired its greatness, except it be the purpose for which the Union itself was formed. I understand

the ship to be made for the carrying and the preservation of the cargo, and so long as the ship can be saved with the cargo, it should never be abandoned, unless the possibility of its preservation shall cease to exist except at the risk of throwing overboard both freight and passengers. So long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and the liberty of the people shall be preserved in this Union, it shall be my purpose at all times to use all my power to aid in its preservation. Again thanking you for the reception given me, allow me to come to a close.

In the evening he met, socially, a large deputation from the various Republican associations of the city which had taken part in the last canvass; and he even found opportunity to sit for a time at the opera. He did not appear quite at ease this evening, and he was too much preoccupied with serious thoughts, forbidden his tongue, to exert his acknowledged power of entertaining by conversation, or to be heartily in sympathy with the scenes of either banquet-hall or stage. On the next day (Wednesday, the 20th) he left for Philadelphia, stopping over for a few hours at Trenton, where, in the course of an address in the Senate Chamber, he said:

I can not but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our early history. . . . May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the younger members have seen Weems's "Life of Washington." I remember all the accounts there given of the battlefields and struggles for the liberties of the country, and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river; the contest with the Hessians; the great hardships endured at that time - all fixed themselves on my memory more than any other single Revolutionary event; and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though

I was, that there must have been something more than common that those men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing which they struggled for, that something even more than national independence, that something that held out a great promise to all the people of the world for all time to come - I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that struggle was made. I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be a humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of His almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle.

And afterward in the Assembly Chamber:

I shall endeavor to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and the whole country. I shall take it, I hope, in good temper — certainly with no malice toward any section. I shall do all that may be in my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am; there is no one who would do more to preserve it; but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly.

This was received with "long-continued applause." There were many in the nation who had been closely watching the expressions given from day to day on this journey, and some whose emotional natures craved more "Jacksonian" words than the President-elect had hitherto indulged in. To such persons this noted little speech was like a removal from Moultrie to Sumter. He would then, possibly, "put the foot down" just as firmly, should the time come, as if he had been more violent in declamation.

His reception at Philadelphia, in the evening, was among the most enthusiastic of all. In replying to the Mayor's address, he said he deemed it a happy cir

cumstance that the dissatisfied ones did not point to anything in which they were being injured, or were about to be injured; for which reason he had felt all the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at this time are artificial. Alluding to "the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United States and the Declaration of Independence were originally framed and adopted," he said: "All my political warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come from these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if ever I prove false to these teachings."

Responding to an address in Independence Hall, next morning, he used these words some of them specially significant:

I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing in this place, where were collected the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here, and framed and adopted that Declaration. I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother-land, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty not alone. to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence.

Now, my friends, can the country be saved on this basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world in helping to save it. . . . But if this country can not be saved without giving up that principle - I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it.

Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say in advance that there will be no bloodshed unless it be forced upon the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in selfdefense.

I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by.

He left for Harrisburg the same morning. He was there welcomed by Governor Curtin, and was received at the State House by the Legislature. A large body of the militia was in line on the occasion - suggestive of measures that had already been taken by the State authorities for promptly embodying a military force should there be occasion. In replying to the Governor, Lincoln alluded to this feature of the reception as follows:

I hope no one of the Friends who originally settled here, or who lived here since that time, or who lives here now, has been or is a more devoted lover of peace, harmony and concord than my humble self. While I have been proud to see to-day the finest military array, I think, that I have ever seen, allow me to say, in regard to those men, that they give hope of what may be done when war is inevitable. But, at the same time, allow me to express the hope that in the shedding of blood their services may never be needed, especially in the shedding of fraternal blood. It shall be my endeavor to preserve the peace of the country so far as it can possibly be done consistently with the maintenance of the institutions of the country.