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in Cincinnati, on the same general topics, but without self-repetition. There were also incidental passages of his speech of special interest and detachable from its main course. For example, recalling the remark of Douglas on a former occasion about " shooting over the line," while disclaiming any purpose to interfere with slavery in the States, he said:

It has occurred to me here to-night that if ever I do shoot at the people on the other side of the line in a slave State, and purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, I have now about the best chance I shall ever have. I should not wonder if there are some Kentuckians about this audience; we are close to Kentucky, and whether that be so or not, we are on elevated ground, and by speaking distinctly, I should not wonder if some of the Kentuckians should hear me on the other side of the river. For that reason, I propose to address a portion of what I have to say to the Kentuckians.

I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, that I am what they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think that slavery is wrong, morally, socially and politically. I desire that it should be no farther spread in these United States, and I should not object if it should gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I say to you, Kentuckians, that I understand that you differ radically with me upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not pretend in addressing myself to you, Kentuckians, to attempt proselyting you at all; that would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you that you ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at Charleston, my distinguished friend, Judge Douglas. In whatever there is a difference between you and him, I understand he is sincerely for you, and more wisely for you than you are for yourselves.

I lay down the proposition that Judge Douglas is not only the man that promises you in advance a hold upon the

North, and support in the North, but that in every possible way he can he constantly moulds the public opinion of the North to your ends; and if there are a few things in which he seems to be against you—a few things which he says that appear to be against you, and a few that he forbears to say which you would like to hear him say - you ought to remember that the saying of the one, or the forbearing to say the other, would lose his hold upon the North, and, by consequence, would lose his capacity to serve you.

Of the results of an anticipated success of the Republican party in the next national canvass he said:

I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you as nearly as we possibly can as Washington, Jefferson and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the example of those noble fathers-Washington, Jefferson and Madison.

He had the satisfaction of hearing from Ohio, in October, that the Republicans had elected William Dennison Governor, and a majority of the Legislature, which insured the choice of Governor Chase as successor of Mr. Pugh in the United States Senate.

A few days later came the ominous news of John Brown's raid. In subsequent speeches of this year, Lincoln spoke in plain terms of abhorrence of the attempt to incite a slave insurrection. John Brown was promptly tried and convicted at Charlestown; was sentenced on the 1st of November; on the 2d of December was hanged. Lincoln, in his simplicity of character, could not adore as a saint one whom he

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