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This letter was extensively circulated. The New York Herald printed it in an editorial article entitled “The Chase-Sumner Political Movement - Social War Threatened," where it said :

“As soon as Mr. Johnson assumed the reins of the Government, Mr. Sumner made an effort to control his official action and secure his assistance in carrying on this appendix warfare to the Abolition question, and thus plunge the country into a sanguinary social war. Finding it impossible to draw President Johnson into his schemes, he at once plants himself in opposition.

“ This letter, although short, is explicit and unmistakable in its meaning. Its purpose is evident to the most casual observer. Knowing, as he must, at the time, that the President held that the question of conferring the privilege of suffrage upon the colored people of the South rested exclusively with the States, he endeavors to stir up a feud and create a dissatisfaction among this class. Like the speech of Chief Justice Chase, its whole tendency is to incite the negroes to insurrection, by giving them the impression that the Government is against them. There is not a word in the communication counselling obedience or respect to the laws of the Government. They ask him for direction, and he, in response, counsels them to take part in the organization of the Government, – that it is their right and duty. In the face of the fact that there is no law in their State or in the Constitution of the United States recognizing that right, he tells them that those who oppose them are usurpers and impostors."

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HOPE AND ENCOURAGEMENT FOR COLORED

FELLOW-CITIZENS.

LETTER TO THE Editor of “Tue LEADER," IN CHARLESTON, S. C.,

May, 1865.

The following brief note appeared in the first number of The Leader, a weekly paper which began at Charleston, 1865.

TRUST that you will do everything possible to

arouse hope and encouragement in the colored people. Let them know that their friends will stand by them. All white persons who have any regard for the Declaration of Independence ought to unite in favor of its principles, and insist that they shall be made the foundation of the new order of things. Courage! the cause cannot fail. Believe me, dear Sir, faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

PROMISES OF THE DECLARATION OF INDE

PENDENCE, AND ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Eulogy ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN, BEFORE THE MUNICIPAL AUTHORI

TIES OF THE CITY OF Boston, June 1, 1865.

Think nothing of me, take no thought for the political fate of any man whomsoever, but come back to the truths that are in the Declaration of Independence. You may do anything with me you choose, if you will but heed these sacred principles. You may not only defeat me for the Senate, but you may take me and put me to death. ABRAHAM LINCOLN: Crosby's Life of Lincoln, p. 33.

They [colored people having the ballot) would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of Liberty in the family of Freedom. — IBID., Letter to Michael Hahn, of Louisiana, March 13, 1864: McPherson's Political History of the United States during Reconstruction, P. 20, note.

Omnia incrementa sua sibi debuit, vir novitatis nobilissimæ. -VELLEIUS PATERCULUS, Historia, Lib. II. cap. 34, $ 3.

Offensarum inimicitiarumque minime memor executorve. — SUETONIUS, Vespasianus, Cap. XIV.

EULOGY.

N the universe of God there are no accidents. From

the fall of a sparrow to the fall of an empire or the sweep of a planet, all is according to Divine Providence, whose laws are everlasting No accident gave to his country the patriot we now honor. No accident snatched this patriot, so suddenly and so cruelly, from his sublime duties. Death is as little an accident as life. Never, perhaps, in history has this Providence been more conspicuous than in that recent procession of events, where the final triumph is wrapped in the gloom of tragedy. It is our present duty to find the moral of the stupendous drama.

For the second time in our annals, the country is summoned by the President to unite, on an appointed day, in commemorating the life and character of the dead. The first was on the death of GEORGE WASHINGTON, when, as now, a day was set apart for simultaneous eulogy throughout the land, and cities, towns, and villages all vied in tribute. Since this early observance for the Father of his Country more than half a century has passed, and now it is repeated in tribute to ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Thus are WASHINGTON and LINCOLN associated in the grandeur of their obsequies. But this association is not

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