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The Democratic party had ceased to be patriotic. It was in sympathy with the Rebellion, so much so as to be its Northern wing. Such a party could not exist in a country that had determined to exist. It was an outrage and a shame, and hereafter it can never be mentioned except with judgment. [Cries of "That's so!" and cheers.]
The extent of its degradation is seen in the frauds it has perpetrated to influence this election. Nothing so mean as these. Fraud is always odious; but it becomes more so in proportion to the occasion on which it is employed. It is odious in small things, — doubly odious in greater things. To cheat one man is crime; to cheat a whole class of men is greater far. But if these men be citizen soldiers fighting for their country, and it is proposed to cheat them of their votes by barefaced fraud, I know no language to depict the despicable and most intolerable enormity of the offence. And yet this is the fraud attempted, — happily the last and dying fraud of the Democratic party. [Applause.] Do you inquire the origin of this fraud, and its vicious energy? I answer, It is Slavery. Men who make up their minds to sustain Slavery stick at nothing. If willing to forge chains, they will not hesitate to forge votes. If ready to enslave their fellow-men, they will not hesitate to cheat soldiers. Therefore all these recent frauds are derived naturally out of that baseness and insensibility to right bred of Slavery. [Applause.] But these frauds testify against the Democratic party, that undertook to perpetrate them.
There was an English monarch, whose head, as it dropped from the block, was held up to the people, while a voice cried, "This is the head of a traitor!" Thus do
I hold up the head of the Democratic party, and say, "This is the head of a traitor!" Let it be buried out of sight, and let the people dance at its funeral. [Tremendous applause.]
I have said that we celebrate a birth, as well as a funeral. The birth is the new life of our country, born to-day into assured freedom, with all its attendant glory. The voice of the people at the ballot-box has echoed back that great letter of the President, "To whom it may concern" [laughter and loud cheers], declaring the integrity of the Union and the abandonment of Slavery the two essential conditions of peace. [Loud applause.] Let the glad tidings go forth, "to whom it may concern," to all the people of the United States, at length now made wholly free, -to foreign countries, -to the whole family of man, to posterity, to the martyred band who have fallen in battle for their country, to the angels above,ay, and to the devils below, that this Republic shall live, for Slavery is dead. This is the great joy we now announce to the world. [Here there was a perfect torrent of approving cheers.]
From this time forward, the Rebellion is subdued. Patriot Unionists in the Rebel States, take courage! Freedmen, slaves no longer, be of good cheer! The hour of deliverance has arrived. [Renewed cheering.]
JUBILEE OF LIBERTY.
LETTER TO THE YOUNG MEN'S REPUBLICAN UNION OF NEW YORK, NOVEMBER 10, 1864.
A PUBLIC meeting, called a Jubilee, was held at the Cooper Institute, New York, to celebrate the recent victory at the polls. Among the letters read was the following.
BOSTON, November 10, 1864.
EAR SIR,- It will not be in my power to meet with the Union citizens of New York at the "Jubilee" of Friday evening, according to the invitation with which you honor me. But my joy will mingle with theirs.
The occasion you celebrate is worthy of jubilee, which in the Hebrew language is simply "the blast of a trumpet," and now, in all languages, signifies "rejoicing."
The occasion is kindred to that famous jubilee in sacred history, when the mandate went forth, "Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof it shall be a jubilee unto you; and ye shall return every man unto his possession, and ye shall return every man unto his family." And now this same mandate has gone forth, assuring the return of patriot Unionists to their possessions, and the return of patriot soldiers to their families, and crowning all with Universal Emancipation, sign and seal of union and peace. Such is the mandate of the American people in the
reelection of Abraham Lincoln. I pray that it may all be executed promptly and triumphantly.
Thank God, the pettifoggers of compromise are answered by the people, who demand peace on the everlasting foundations of Union and Liberty. The political barbers, who undertake to prescribe, when they can only shave, are warned that their quackery is at an end.
Accept my thanks and best wishes, and believe me, dear Sir, very faithfully yours,
FRANK W. BALLard, Esq.,
Corresponding Secretary of the
MR. ASHLEY AND RECONSTRUCTION.
LETTER TO A PUBLIC BANQUET IN HONOR OF HON. JAMES M. ASHLEY, AT TOLEDO, OHIO, NOVEMBER 18, 1864.
BOSTON, November 18, 1864.
EAR SIR,- It will not be in
Din the banquet to your most faithful Representa
I know Mr. Ashley well, and honor him much. He has been firm when others have hesitated, and from an early day saw the secret of this war, and, I may add, the secret of victory also. In all questions of statesmanship, which will soon supersede military questions, he has already given assurance of practical wisdom. His various indefatigable labors and his elaborate speech on "Reconstruction" show that he sees well what is to be done in order to place peace and liberty under impregnable safeguards.
For myself, I have no hesitation in saying, that, next to the Rebellion itself, I most deprecate a premature State Government in a Rebel State. Such a Government will be a source of sorrow and weakness incalculable. But I am sure that your Representative will fail in no effort to prevent such a calamity.
There is also the Amendment of the Constitution