of bolting on the part of delegates from the Cotton States, unless their views in regard to Platform should be adopted.

On the 27th, the Platform Committee, failing to agree, presented an assortment of Platforms, from which the Convention was expected to make its selection. The majority report, presented by Mr. Avery, of N. C., was as follows:

Resolved, That the Platform adopted at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following resolution:

That the National Democracy of the United States hold these cardinal principles on the subject of Slavery in the Territories: First, that Congress has no power to abolish Slavery in the Territories; second, that the Territorial Legislature has no power to abolish Slavery in the Territories, nor to prohibit the introduction of slaves therein, nor any power to destroy or impair the right of property in slaves by any legislation whatever.

Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effects.

Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to protect the rights of person and property on the high seas, in the Territories, or wherever else its jurisdiction extends.

Resolved, That it is the duty of the Government of the United Statos to afford protection to naturalized citizens from foreign countries.

Resolved, That it is the duty of the Government of the United States to acquire Cuba at the earliest practicable moment.

The principal minority report, which was presented by Mr. Henry B. Payne, of Ohio, and signed by the members of the committee from Maine, New-Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, New-York, and Pennsylvania, (all the Free States except California, Oregon, and Massachusetts), reaffirmed the Cincinnati Platform; declared that all rights of property are judicial in their character, and that the Democracy pledge themselves to defer to the decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject; ample protection to citizens, native or naturalized, at home or abroad; aid to "a Pacific Railroad;" the acquisition of Cuba, and that all State resistance to the Fugitive Slave Law is revolutionary and

subversive of the Constitution.

Gen. Benj. F. Butler, of Massachusetts, presented another minority report, reaffirming the Cincinnati Platform, and declaring Democratic principles unchangeable in their nature when applied to the same subject matter, and only recommending, in addition to the Cincinnati Platform, a resolution for the protection of all eitizens, whether native or naturalized.

Mr. Payne stated that his report, although a minority one, represented one hundred and seventy-two electoral votes, while the majority report represented only one hundred and twenty-seven electoral votes.

Mr. James A. Bayard (U. S. Senator), of Delaware, presented another series of resolutions, as

follows:

ment to protect the rights of persons or pro perty on the high seas, in the Territories, or wherever else its constitutional authority extends.

The fourth that, when the settlers in a Territory have adequate population to form a State Constitution, the right of Sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by their admission into the Union, they stand upon an equal footing with the citizens of other States, and that a State thus organized is to be admit ted into the Union, Slavery or no Slavery.

The day was spent in fierce debate, without coming to a vote on any of these various propositions.

On the 28th, Senator Wm. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, moved that the majority and minority reports be recommitted to the Convention, with instructions to report in an hour, the following

resolutions:

Resolved, That the Platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolution:

Resolved, That the Government of a Territory, or ganized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary, and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle in the Territory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial Legislation.

to the doctrine that it is the duty of Government to Resolved, That the Democratic party stands pledged maintain all the constitutional rights of property, of whatever kind, in the Territories, and to enforce all the decisions of the Supreme Court in reference thereto.

Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or

foreign.

Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic Party pledge such Constitutional Government aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practical period.

the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as Resolved, That the Democratic Party are in favor of shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.

Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Corusti tution, and revolutionary in their effect.

gout,

ould

Mr. Bigler moved the previous question. moved to lay Mr. Bigler's motion on the table. Mr. W. Montgomery (M. C.), of Pennsylvania, He did not regard as a compromise a propos i tion for a Congressional Slave Code and reopening of the African Slave Trade; learning that the adoption of his motion w have the effect of tabling the whole subject called for, and the vote was first taken on withdrew it. A division of the question motion to recommit, which was carried, 152 151; but the proposition to instruct the cfr. om mittee was laid on the table, 242 to 56

follows:

YEAS.-Maine, 8; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont

18

DV.

Massachusetts, 124; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut.he

ind

New-York, 85; Pennsylvania, 8; Delaware, 8; M The first affirmed the Cincinnati Platform. land, 5; Virgínia, 15; North Carolina, 10; South C The second declared that Territorial Govern- lina, 8; Georgia, 10; Florida, 8; Alabama, 9; Lone ments are provisional and temporary, and that ana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Misso 4; Kentucky, 5; Ohio, 28; Indiana, 18; Illinois, during their existence all citizens of the United Michigan, 6; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 4; California, en States have an equal right to settle in the Terri- 2424. NAYS.-Massachusetts,; Connecticut, 1; New-Jerow tories without their rights of either person or 7; Pennsylvania, 15; Maryland, 24; Missouri, 9; as; property being destroyed or impaired by Con-nessee, 11; Kentucky, 7; Indiana, 6; Wisconsin, he gressional or Territorial legislation. California,; Oregon, 8-561. Subsequently, on the same day, Mr. Avhe

The third, that it is the duty of the Govern

Ich

to

he

was

the

to

5

5

from the majority of the Committee on Platform, trict of Columbia. Now, we maintain that Congress has reported the following: no right to prohibit or abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia. Why? Because it is an existing institution. Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic It becomes the duty of Congress under the Constitution to party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following ex-protect and cherish the right of property in slaves in that planatory Resolutions: District, because the Constitution does not give them the power to prohibit or establish Slavery. Every session of Congress, Northern men, Southern men, men of all parties, are legislating to protect, cherish and uphold the institution of Slavery in the District of Columbia.

First. That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial legislation. Second. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Third. That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of Slavery. Fourth. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.

.

It is said that the Cincinnati platform is ambiguous, and that we must explain it. At the South, we have main. tained that it had no ambiguity; that it did not mean Popular Sovereignty; but our Northern friends say that it does mean Popular Sovereignty. Now, if we are going to explain it and to declare its principles, I say let us either declare them openly, boldly, squarely, or let us leave it as it is in the Cincinnati Platform. Í want, and we of the South want, no more doubtful platforms upon this or any other question. We desire that this Convention should take a bold, square stand. What do the minority of the committee propose? Their solution is to leave the question to the decision of the Supreme Court, and agree to abide by any decision that may be made by that tribunal between the citizens of a Territory upon the subject. Why, gentlemen of the minority, you cannot help yourselves. That is no concession to us. There is no necessity for putting that in the platform, because I take it for granted that you are all law-abiding citizens. Every gentleman here from a non-slaveholding State is a law-abiding citizen; and if he be so, why we know that when there is a decision of the Supreme Court, Sixth. That the Democracy of the United States recog-even adverse to his views, he will submit to it. nize it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its nativeborn citizens.

Fifth. That the enactments of State legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts: Therefore be it

Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific Railroad, from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.

Mr. Avery took the floor, and spoke at length in favor of his report, and in the course of his

rements said:

Woul

then

South

.

You say that this is a judicial question. We say that it is not. But if it be a judicial question, it is immaterial to you how the platform is made, because all you will have to say is, "this is a judicial question; the majority of the Convention were of one opinion; I may entertain my own opinion upon the question; let the Supreme Court settle it."

Let us make a platform about which there can be no doubt, so that every man, North and South, may stand side by side on all issues connected with Slavery, and advocate the same principles. That is all we ask. All we demand at your hands is, that there shall be no equivocation and no doubt in the popular mind as to what our principles are.

and, in the course of his argument, said:
Mr. H. B. Payne, of Ohio, replied at length,

The question of Slavery had distracted the Courts and
the party since 1820, and we hoped by the Compromise
measures of 1850, the Kansas law of 1854, and the Plat-
form of 1852 and 1856, that the policy of the Democratic
party was a united and settled policy in respect to Afri-
can slavery.
The Democracy of the North
have, throughout, stood by the South in vindication of
their constitutional rights. For this they claim no
credit. They have simply discharged their constitutional
duty; and, though some Southern Senators may rise in
their places and stigmatize us as unsound and rotten, we
say we have done it in good faith, and we challege contra-
diction. We have supposed that this doctrine of Popular
Sovereignty was a final settlement of the Slavery difficulty.
You so understood it in the South. We are not claiming
anything in our Platform but what the Cincinnati Platform
was admitted to have established.

I have stated that we demand at the hands of our Norther brethren upon this floor that the great principle which w cherish should be recognized, and in that view I speak the common sentiments of our constituents at home; and I intend no reflection upon those who entertain a different opinion, when I say that the results and ultimate consequences to the Southern States of this confederacy, if the Popular Sovereignty doctrine be adopted as the doctrine of the Democratic party, would be as dangerous and subversive of their rights as the adoption of the principle of Congressional intervention or prohibition. We say that, in a contest for the occupation of the Territories of the United States, the Southern men encumbered with slaves cannot Comp with the Emigrant Aid Society at the North. We Bay he Emigrant Aid Society can send a voter to one of therritories of the United States, to determine a questionelating to slavery, for the sum of $200, while it O the Southern man the sum of $1500. We say, wherever there is competition between the North, that the North can and will, at less expense helifficulty, secure power, control and dominion over the territories of the Federal Government; and if, stablish the doctrine that a Territorial Legislamay be established by Congress in any Terrire right, directly or indirectly, to affect the instiavery, then you can see that the Legislature by either directly or indirectly, may finally exy man from the slaveholding States as efs if you had adopted the Wilmot Proviso out re told that, in advocating the doctrine we now veviolating the principles of the Cincinnati platy say that the Cincinnati platform is a Popular Sta platform; that it was intended to present and enforce that great principle. Now, we who eport deny that this is the true construction of anti platform. We of the South say that when the Cincinnati platform we understood, from utler the Territories stand in the same position as phof Columbia, that non-interference and nonhe nein the Territories was that same sort of non- "I would not plant Slavery upon the soil of any porand non-intervention forbidden in the Dis-tion of God's earth against the will of the people. The

What was the doctrine of 1856? Non-intervention by Congress with the question of Slavery, and the submission of the question of Slavery in the Territories, under the Constitution, to the People.

then

It is said that one construction has been given to the Platform at the South and another at the North. He could prove from the Congressional debates that from 1850 to 1856 there was not a dissenting opinion expressed in Congress on this subject.

To show that Squatter Sovereignty had been generally accepted as the true Democratic doctrine, Mr. Payne quoted from eminent Southern Democratic Statesinen as follows:

FROM A SPEECH OF HON. HOWELL COBB, OF GEORGIA.

"I stand upon a principle. I hold that the will of the majority of the people of Kansas should decide this question, and I say here to-night, before this people and sion of the people there. I hold to the right of the People before this country, that I, for one, shall abide the deci to self-government. I am willing for them to decide this question."

FROM THE SAME.

Government of the United States should not force the institution of Slavery upon the people either of the Territories,' or of the States against the will of the people, though my voice could bring about that result.

FROM A SPEECH OF VICE-PRESIDENT BRECKINRIDGE.

"But those who hold that the Territorial Legislature cannot pass a law prohibiting Slavery, admit that, unless the Territorial Legislature pass laws for its protection, Slavery will not go there. Therefore, practically, a majority of the people represented in the Territorial Legislature decides the question. Whether they decide it by prohibiting it, according to the one doctrine, or by refusing to pass laws to protect it, as contended for by the other party, is immaterial. The majority of the people, by the action of the Territorial Legislature, will decide the question, and all must abide the decision when made."

FROM THE SAME.

"But if non-intervention by Congress be the principle that underlies the Compromise of 1850, then the prohibition of 1820, being inconsistent with that principle, should be removed, and perfect non-intervention thus be established by law.

"Among many misrepresentations sent to the country by some of the enemies of this bill, perhaps none is more flagrant, than the charge that it proposes to legislate Slavery into Nebraska and Kansas. Sir, if the bill contained such a feature it would not receive my vote. The right to establish involves the correlative right to prohibit, and, denying both, I would vote for neither."

FROM THE SAME.

"Upon the distracting question of domestic Slavery, their position is clear. The whole power of the Democratic organization is pledged to the following propositions: That Congress shall not interpose upon this subject in the States, in the Territories, or in the District of Columbia; that the people of each Territory shall determine the question for themselves, and be admitted into the Union upon a footing of perfect equality with the original States, without discrimination on account of the allowance or prohibition of Slavery."

then acting as Chairman of his Delegation, and now pre senting the majority report aunounced:

"North Carolina gives ten votes for the Platform, and will give ten thousand majority in November."

In his letter of acceptance, Mr. Buchanan, in an emphatic and clear manner, thus expressed his views of this Platform:

"The recent legislation of Congress respecting domes tic Slavery, derived, as it has been, from the original and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises, ere long, to allay the danger ous excitement. This legislation is founded on princi ples as ancient as Free government itself, and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for them selues, whether Slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits."

Mr. Payne had extracts yet behind of speeches from Stephens, of Georgia, one of the most distinguished Statesmen of the South-from Mr. Benjamin, of Louisiana Mason, of Virginia-more qualified, he admitted, but still emphatic. The Senator from Delaware, too, Mr. Bayard, had fully indorsed the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty.

So had Mr. Badger, of North Carolina, and Judge Butler of South Carolina. Mr. Hunter of Virginia, certainly one of the wisest and purest statesmen which the Democracy now numbers amongst her leaders in the land-he, also, says that the people shall have the right to decide on all questions relating to their domestic institutions. In his speech, he used these words, almost identical with the Platform of the minority:

"The bill provides that the Legislatures of these Ter ritories shall have power to legislate over all rightful subjects of legislation consistently with the Constitution. And, if they should assume powers which are thought to be inconsistent with the Constitution, the Courts will decide that question whenever it may be raised. There is a difference of opinion among the friends of this measure as to the extent of the limits which the Constitution im. poses upon the Territorial Legislatures. This bill proposes to leave these differences to the decision of the Courts. To that tribunal I am willing to leave this deci sion, as it was once before proposed to be left by the celebrated Compromise of the Senator from Delaware" He also read an extract of a similar character from a speech by Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, one of the

oldest

FROM A SPEECH BY HON. JAMES L. ORR, OF S. C. "Now, I admit that there is a difference of opinion amongst Democrats as to whether this feature of Squat-men on the floor of the American Senate, taking ground ter Sovereignty be in the bill or not. But the great point in favor of non-intervention by Congress. upon which the Democratic party at Cincinnati rested was, that the government of the Territories had been transferred from Congress, and, carrying out the spirit and genius of our institutions, had been given to the people of the Territories."

Need he accumulate these extracts to show that not a single statesman who has figured in Congress, o late years, but has taken this high ground?

Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, presented the follow ing report on behalf of the minority of the Platform Committee:

00

hen ap

FROM A SPEECH BY HON. A. H. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA. "The whole question of Slavery or No Slavery was to 1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in be left to the people of the Territories, whether North Convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of or South of 36° 30', or any other line. The question was the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as s to be taken out of Congress, where it had been impro- platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at perly thrust from the beginning, and to be left to the Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic people concerned in the matter to decide for themselves. principles are unchangeable in their nature, w This, I say, was the position originally held by the Southplied to the same subject matters; and we recommend when the Missouri Restriction was at first proposed. The as the only further resolutions the following: principle upon which that position rests, lies at the very foundation of all our Republican institutions: it is that the citizens of every distinct and separate community or State should have the right to govern themselves in their domestic matters as they please, and that they should be free from intermeddling restriction and arbitrary dictation on such matters, from any other Power or Government, in which they have no voice." Mr. Payne continued. But for consuming time, he could read for half an hour, to show that every eminent Southern man had held the same opinion on the doctrine of popular sovereignty.

Mr. Payne would read from the Cincinnati Platform to show what it laid down. All should be familiar with it:

"The American Democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws, establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the 'Slavery Question upon which the great National idea of the People of this whole country can repose in its determined conservatism of the Union-non-interference by Congress with Slavery in State and Territory, or in the District of Columbia."

They nominated Mr. Buchanan on that Platform, agreed on by the representatives of every State in the Union, as the official record would show. There was not one dissenting voice in the whole list of States. In casting the vote of North Carolina, his friend, Mr. Avery,

Deme

powers

Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the cratic Party as to the nature and extent of the of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the pow duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of Slavery within the Terr tories:

2. Resolved, That the Democratic Party will the decisions of the Supreme Court of the Unith on the questions of Constitutional law.

ers and

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ed States

ted Stater

ll its citi

Jative or

3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the Uni to afford ample and complete protection to ar. zens, whether at home or abroad, and whether foreign.

age, in

view, i

4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of th a military, commercial, and postal point of speedy communication between the Atlantic ante Paci States; and the Democratic Party pledge such tional Government aid as will insure the constr a railroad to the Pacific coast, at the earliest prope period. 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are, of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on sen as shall be honorable to ourselves and just tond 6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Lew to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugit Law, are hostile in character, subversive of tution, and revolutionary in their effect. Gen. Butler, of Massachusetts, again reported

(as a minority) the Cincinnati Platform without of the original resolution proposed by the gentlemaa alteration.

determined to stave off definite action for that Nays-Maine, 5; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; day, and carried their point by a system cur- Massachusetts, 5; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 3; rently termed “filibustering," which would have land, 24; Virginia, 24; South Carolina, 8; Florida, 8; New-York, 85; New-Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 104; Marydone no discredit to the House of Representa- Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; tives at Washington. The confusion and hub- Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 1; Kentucky, 8; bub which prevailed may be comprehended Ohio, 23; Indiana, 18; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wiscon perhaps, by the following extract from the offi-sin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 24; California, 4-198. cial report of the proceedings:

The Convention will remember that, in the first place, the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Avery) reported the resolutions of the majority of the committee. Thereupon the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Samuels) moved an amendment to these resolutions, by striking out all after the word "resolved," and to insert the resolutions proposed by him, in behalf of a portion of minority of the committee. After which, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler) moved, in behalf of another portion of the minority committee, to amend the amendment, by striking out all after the word "resolved," and inserting the proposition proposed by him on behalf of that minority. The first question will On the eleventh day of January, 1860, the Democratic be, therefore, upon the amendment moved by the gen-party of the State of Alabama met in Convention, in the tleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler). If that amend- city of Montgomery, and adopted, with singular unaniment falls, the Convention will then come to a vote upon mity, a series of resolutions herewith submitted: the amendment moved by the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Samuels). If, however, the amendment of Mr. Butler prevails, then that amendment will have taken the place of the amendment moved by Mr. Samuels, and the next question will be upon substituting it in the place

1. Resolved by the Democracy of the State of Alabama in Con which they have heretofore affiliated and acted with the Navention assembled, That holding all issues and principles upon tional Democratic Party to be inferior in dignity and impor tance to the great question of Slavery, they content themselves

with a general re-affirmance of the Cincinnati platform as to such issues, and also indorse said platform as to slavery, together with the following resolutions:

2. Resolved further, That we re-affirm so much of the first resolution of the platform adopted in the Convention by the Democracy of this State, on the 8th of January, 1856, as relates to the subject of Slavery, to-wit: "The unqualified right of the people of the Slaveholding States to the protection of their property in the States, in the Territories, and in the wilderness, in which Territorial Governments are as yet unorganized."

3. Resolved further, That in order to meet and clear away all obstacles to a full enjoyment of this right in the Territories, we re-affirm the principle of the 9th resolution of the Platform adopted in Convention by the Democracy of this State, on the 14th of February, 1848, to wit: "That it is the duty of the General Government, by all proper legislation, to secure an entry into those Territories to all the citizens of the United States, together with their property of every description, and that the same should be protected by the United States while the Territories are under its authority."

4. Resolved further, That the Constitution of the United States is a compact between sovereign and co-equal States, united upon the basis of perfect equality of rights and privileges. 5. Resolved further, That the Territories of the United States are common property, in which the States have equal rights, and to which the citizens of every State may rightfully emigrate, with their slaves or other property recognized as such in any of the States of the Union, or by the Constitution of the 6. Resolved further, That the Congress of the United States has no power to abolish Slavery in the Territories, or to prohibit its introduction into any of them.

United States.

7. Resolved further, That the Territorial Legislatures, created by the legislation of Congress, have no power to abolish Slavery, or to prohibit the introduction of the same, or to im: pair by unfriendly legislation the security and full enjoyment of the same within the Territories; and such constitutional power certainly does not belong to the people of the Territories in any capacity, before, in the exercise of a lawful authority, they form a Constitution preparatory to admission as a State into the Union; and their action, in the exercise of such lawful authority, certainly cannot operate or take effect before their actual admission as a State into the Union. 8. Resolved further, That the principles enunciated by Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, deny to the Territorial Legislature the power to destroy or impair, by any legislation whatever, the right of property in slaves, and maintain it to be the duty of the Federal Government, in all of its departments, to protect the rights of the owner of such property in the Territories; and the principles so declared are hereby asserted to be the rights of the South, and the South should maintain them.

9. Resolved further, That we hold all of the foregoing propoBitions to contain cardinal principles-true in themselves-and just and proper, and necessary for the safety of all that is dear to us; and we do hereby instruct our delegates to the Charleston Convention to present them for the calm consideration and approval of that body-from whose justice and patriotism we anticipate their adoption.

10. Resolved further, That our delegates to the Charleston Convention are hereby expressly instructed to insist that said Convention shall adopt a platform of principles, recognizing distinctly the rights of the South, as asserted in the foregoing resolutions; and if the said National Convention shall refuse

spects subject to criticism, we should not have felt ourselves in duty bound to withhold our acquiescence.

But it has been the pleasure of this Convention, by an
almost exclusive sectional vote, not representing a ma
jority of the Democratic electoral vote, to adopt a plat-
form which does not, in our opinion, nor in the opinion
of those who urge it, embody in substance the principles
of the Alabama resolutions. That Platform is as follows:
[Here follow Mr. Samuels' resolutions as adop-
See Platform.]
ted.

Southern Democracy are;
The points of difference between the Northern and

1st. As regards the status of Slavery as a political in. stitution in the Territories whilst they remain Territories, and the power of the people of a Territory to exclude it by unfriendly legislation; and

2d. As regards the duty of the Federal Government to protect the owner of slaves in the enjoyment of his property in the Territories so long as they remain such. This Convention has refused, by the Platform adopted, to settle either of these propositions in favor of the South, We deny to the people of a Territory any power to legis. late against the institution of Slavery; and we assert that it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect the owner of slaves in the enjoy. ment of his property in the Territories. These princi ples, as we state them, are embodied in the Alabama Platform.

this Convention and the constituency which we have the Here, then, is a plain, explicit and direct issue between honor to represent in this body.

Instructed as we are, not to waive this issue, the con. tingency, therefore, has arisen, when, in our opinion, it becomes our duty to withdraw from this Convention. We beg, sir, to communicate this fact through you, and to assure the Convention that we do so in no spirit of anger, but under a sense of imperative obligation, properly appreciating its responsibilities and cheerfully submitting to its consequences. 0. O. HARPER, LEWIS H. CATO, JNO. W. PORTIS, F. G. NORMAN, W. C. GUILD,

L. P. WALKER, Chairman.
J. S. LYON,

JOHN A. WINSTON,
ROBERT G. SCOTT,
A. B. MEEK,
J. R. BREARE,
H. D. SMITH,
JAS. IRWIN,
W. L. YANCEY,
D. W. BAINE,
N. H. R. DAWSON,
R. M. PATTON,
W. C. MCIVER,

JULIUS C. B. MITCHELL,

W. C. SHERKOD,

G. G. GRIFFIN,

J. T. BRADFOrd,
T. J. BURNETT,
A. G. HENRY,
WM. M. BROOKS,
R. CHAPMAN.

Mr. Walker also presented a resolution to the to adopt, in substance, the propositions embraced in the pre-effect that no other person than the retiring deleceding resolutions, prior to nominating candidates, our delegates had any authority to represent Alabania in the Convention.

gates to said Convention are hereby positively instructed to

withdraw therefrom.

11. Resolved further, That our delegates to the Charleston Convention shall cast the vote of Alabama as a unit, and a majority of our delegates shall determine how the vote of this State shall be given.

12. Resolved further, That an Executive Committee, to consist of one from each Congressional District, be appointed, whose duty it shall be, in the event that our delegates withdraw from the Charleston Convention, in obedience to the 10th resolution, to call a Convention of the Democracy of Alabama to meet at an early day to consider what is best to be done. Under these resolutions, the undersigned received their appointment, and participated in the action of this Con

vention.

By the resolution of instruction, the tenth in the series, we were directed to insist that the platform adopted by this Convention should embody, "in whole," the propositions embraced in the preceding resolutions, prior to nominating candidates.

The Alabama delegation then withdrew from the hall.

MISSISSIPPI WITHDRAWS.

Mr. Barry, of Mississippi.-I am instructed by the Mississippi delegation to state that they retire from the Convention with the delegation from Alabama. (Cheers.) They have prepared a protest, which they desire to submit, but by accident it is not now here. I desire also to state that they have adopted unanimously a resolution that they are the only delegates-which is uncontestedand that no one is or shall be authorized to represent them in their absence upon the floor of the Convention. (Cheers.)

Mr. Mouton, of Louisiana.-Mr. President, I have but a short communication to make to the Convention. I do Anxious, if possible, to continue our relations with this not do it as an individual. I am authorized to say by Convention, and thus to maintain the nationality of the the delegates representing Louisiana in this Convention, Democratic party, we agreed to accept, as the substance that they will not participate any longer in the proceedof the Alabama platform, either of the two reports sub-ings of this Convention. (Cheers.) Heretofore we have mitted to this Convention by the majority of the Commit- been in the habit of saying that the Democracy of the tee on Resolutions-this majority representing not only country was harmonious. (Laughter.) Can we say so a majority of the States of the Union, but also the only to-day with any truth? Are we not divided, and divided States at all likely to be carried by the Democratic party in such a manner that we can never be reconciled, bein the Presidential election. We beg to make these recause we are divided upon principle? Can we agree to ports a part of this communication. the Platform adopted by the majority of the Convention,

[See heretofore the two sets of resolutions re- and then go home to our constituents and put one con ported by Mr. Avery.]

These reports received the indorsement in the Committee on Resolutions of every Southern State, and, had either of them been adopted as the platform of principles of the Democratic party, although possibly in some re

struction on it, while Northern Democrats put another? No, Mr. President, I think I speak the sentiment of my State when I say that she will never play such a part. (Cheers.) If we are to fight the Black Republicans to gether, let us do it with a bold front; let us use the sam arms; let us sustain the same principles. I was willing