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to the institution of slavery, which constitutes a partial restriction on the right of suffrage. In the North men of every class and condition of life are entitled to vote. In the South, all who are in a condition of servitude are necessarily excluded from the exercise of political privileges, and the power of the country is wielded by the more intelligent classes, who have a permanent interest in the wellbeing of society.

"Slavery also constitutes an effectual barrier against that tendency to antagonism between labor and capital which exists in the North. There, capital is the casual employer of labor, and is interested in diminishing its wages. Here, capital is the owner of labor, and, naturally, seeks to enhance its rewards.

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"Material changes seem, also, to be necessary in regard to the selection of various classes of public officers. Under the Constitution, as it now stands, no discrimination is made in the mode of choosing public agents, founded on a consideration of the nature of the functions they have to perform. A mistaken desire to propitiate popular favor, rather than a wise and well-considered purpose to give security to individual rights, and stability and dignity to the Government, seems to have controlled the action of the Convention of 1850. The selection of almost every officer has been referred to the people, and by shortening the official term, as far as possible, the officers are made dependent on the people.

"In determining the mode of selecting officers, it seems to your committee that some regard ought to be had to the nature of the duties they will be required to discharge. No rule can be prescribed which will be free from all objection, but your committee believe that it would be safe to assume that all legislative officers should be elected by the people, but that those who are to fill executive or judicial trusts should be chosen by intermediate agents. There seems to be a good reason for this distinction. Legislation affects the rights and liberties of the whole people collectively.

"Hence, those who exercise legislative powers should be elected by à direct vote of the people, and be dependent, for their continuance in office, on the will of the people. But judicial and executive officers, being intrusted with the duty of expounding and administering the public will, as expressed through the Legislature, and in applying law to individual cases, have functions to perform which do not concern the people at large, and ought not to be affected by their wishes.

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people to elect, in the mode prescribed by law, representatives in whose ability, integrity and patriotism they could confide, and leave to them the duty, not merely of framing the laws, but also of selecting the higher officers, to expound and execute them."

This remarkable document was a fair exponent of the principles of the ruling class in the South, and of the tendencies of the revolution-a revolu tion not only against the United States, but against the democratic principle of all Southern State Constitutions. It was one of the secret purposes of this "ruling class" to disfranchise the non-property holders of the Confederacy. So long as a state of war existed, it was not policy to announce the programme for the future Government of the Souththe "poor whites" might rebel. But the Conventions acted out the principle of exclusive rule, by themselves appointing members of Congress, and Congress acted out its exclusive authority by appointing the Executive officers of Government.

PORTIONS OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR'S REPORT (DECEMBER 2D, 1861) DISCARDED BY THE PRESIDENT,

On page 436 we refer to the fact that the President objected to a portion of the Report of Mr. Cameron, and that, the Secretary refusing to discard or to modify it, Mr. Lincoln assumed the responsibility of expungement. The following is the conclusion of the document as written by Mr. Came. ron. See page 446 for its modified form. It may here be said that Mr. Cameron, like Fremont in Missouri, and Hunter in South Carolina, seemed to err by anticipating the order of administration, for the President, upon the issue of his succeeding annual message virtually embraced all of Mr. Cameron's views:

"It has become a grave question for determination, what shall be done with the slaves abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into the Southern territory, as in the Beaufort district of South Carolina. The whole white population therein is 6,000, while the number of negroes exceeds 32,000. The panic which drove their masters in wild confusion from their homes, leaves them in undisputed possession of the soil. Shall they, armed by their masters, be placed in the field to fight against us, or shall their labor be continually employed in reproducing the means for supporting the armies of rebellion?

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The war into which this Government has been forced by rebellious traitors, is carried on for the

"As a general rule, it would be much safer for the purpose of repossessing the property violently and

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treacherously seized upon by the enemies of the Government, and to reestablish the authority and laws of the United States in the places where it is opposed or overthrown by armed insurrection and rebellion. Its purpose is to recover and defend what is justly its own.

"War. even between independent nations, is made to subdue the enemy, and all that belongs to that enemy, by occupying the hostile country, and exercising dominion over all the men and things within its territory. This being true in respect to independent nations at war with each other, it follows that rebels who are laboring by force of arms to overthrow a Government, justly bring upon themselves all the consequences of war, and provoke the destruction merited by the worst of crimes. That Government would be false to national trust, and would justly excite the ridicule of the civilized world, that would abstain from the use of any effi cient means to preserve its own existence, or to overcome a rebellious and traitorous enemy, by sparing or protecting the property of those who are waging war against it.

"The principal wealth and power of the Rebel States is a peculiar species of property, consisting of the service or labor of African slaves, or the descendants of Africans. This property has been variously estimated at the value of from $700,000,000 to $1,000,000,000.

"Why should this property be exempt from the hazards and consequences of a rebellious war?

"It was the boast of the leader of the rebellion, while he yet had a seat in the Senate of the United States, that the Southern States would be comparatively safe and free from the burdens of war, if it should be brought on by the contemplated rebellion, and that boast was accompanied by the savage threat, that Northern towns and cities would become the victims of rapine and military spoil,' and that Northern men should smell Southern gunpowder and feel Southern steel.' No one doubts the disposition of the rebels to carry that threat into execution. The wealth of Northern towns and cities, the produce of Northern farms, Northern workshops and manufactories, would certainly be seized, destroyed, or appropriated as military spoil. No property in the North would be spared from the hands of the rebels, and their rapine would be defended under the laws of war. While the loyal States thus have all their property and possessions at stake, are the insurgent rebels to carry on warfare against the Government in peace and security to their own property?

"Reason and justice and self-preservation forbid that such should be the policy of this Government, but demand, on the contrary, that, being forced by

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traitors and rebels to the extremity of war, all the rights and powers of war should be exercised to bring it to a speedy end.

"Those who make war against the Government justly forfeit all rights of property, privilege, or security, derived from the Constitution and laws, against which they are in armed rebellion; and as the labor and service of their slaves constitute the chief property of the rebels, such property should share the common fate of war to which they have devoted the property of loyal citizens.

"While it plain that the slave property of the South is justly subjected to all the consequences of this rebellious war, and that the Government would be untrue to its trust in not employing all the rights and powers of war to bring it to a speedy close, the details of the plan for doing so, like all other military measures, must, in a great degree, be left to be determined by particular exigencies. The disposition of other property belonging to the rebels that becomes subject to our arms is governed by the circumstances of the case. The Government has no power to hold slaves, none to restrain a slave of his liberty, or to exact his service. It has a right, however, to use the voluntary service of slaves liberated by war from their rebel masters, like any other property of the rebels, in whatever mode may be most efficient for the defense of the Government, the prosecution of the war and the suppression of the rebellion. It is as clearly a right of the Government to arm slaves when it may become necessary as it is to use gunpowder taken from the enemy. Whether it is expedient to do so is purely a military question. The right is unquestionable by the laws of war. The expediency must be determined by circumstances, keeping in view the great object of overcoming the rebels, reestablishing the laws, and restoring peace to the nation.

"It is vain and idle for the Government to carry on this war, or hope to maintain its existence against rebellious force, without employing all the rights and powers of war. As has been said, the right to deprive the rebels of their property in slaves and slave labor, is as clear and absolute as the right to take forage from the field, or cotton from the warehouse, or powder and arms from the magazine. To leave the enemy in the possession of such such property as forage and cotton and military stores, and the means of constantly reproducing them, would be madness. It is, therefore, equal madness to leave them in peaceful and secure possession of slave property, more valuable and efficient to them for war, than forage, cotton and military stores. Such policy would be national suicide. What to do with that species of property, is a ques tion that time and circumstance will solve, and need

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"This is contrary to the intent of General Order No. 3. The object of these orders is to prevent any person in the army from acting in the capacity of

not be anticipated further than to repeat that they cannot be held by the Government as slaves. It would be useless to keep them as prisoners of war; and self-preservation, the highest duty of a Govern-negro-catcher or negro-stealer. The relation bement, or of individuals, demands that they should be disposed of or employed in the most effective manner that will tend most speedily to suppress the insurrection and restore the authority of the Government. If it shall be found that the men who have been held by the rebels as slaves are capable of bearing arms and performing efficient military service, it is the right, and may become the duty, of the Government to arm and equip them, and employ their services against the rebels, under proper military regulation, discipline and command.

"But in whatever manner they may be used by the Government, it is plain that once liberated by the rebellious act of their masters, they should never again be restored to bondage. By the master's treason and rebellion he forfeits all right to the labor and service of his slave; and the slave of the rebellious master, by his service to the Government, becomes justly entitled to freedom and protection.

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tween the slave and his master is not a matter to be determined by military officers, except in the single case provided by Congress. This matter in all other cases must be decided by the civil authorities. One object in keeping the fugitive slaves out of our camps is to keep clear of all such questions. Masters or pretended masters must establish the rights of property to the negroes as best they may, without our assistance or interference, except where the law authorizes such interference.

"Order No. 3 does not apply to the authorized private servants of officers, nor to negroes employed by proper authority in camps; it applies only to fugitive slaves.' The prohibition to admit them within our lines does not prevent the exercise of all proper offices of humanity, in giving them food and clothing outside, where such offices are neccessary to prevent suffering.

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We refer on pages 434, to the transfer by Commissioners of Missourl to the Southern Confederacy. The following is the document of agreement: "Whereas, it is the common desire of the State of Missouri and the Confederate States of America, that said State should become a member of the confederacy; and whereas, the accomplishment of their

GENERAL HALLECK'S INTERPRETATION OF purpose is now prevented by an armed invasion ef

HIS ORDER NUMBER THREE.

On page 451 we refer to Halleck's General Order Number Three, relating to the banishment of fugitive slaves" from his lines. It ought, in justice to the General, and as expressive of the course really pursued toward the blacks during his administration in Missouri, to give his letter to General Asboth, who, it would appear, followed orders even against his own sense of humanity, by delivering up a slave to the agent of his professed master:

"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURI, St. Louis, Dec. 26th, 1861.

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"GENERAL ASBOTH, Rolla, Mo.
"General: It would seem from the report of Ma-
jor Waring to you (referred to these headquarters)
that he had, in compliance with your instructions,
delivered to Captain Holland a fugitive in his camp,
ciaimed by Capiain H. as the property of his father-
in-law.

the territory of said State by the United States; and whereas, the interests of both demand that they should make common cause in the war waged by the United States against the liberties of both; now, therefore, for these most desirable objects, the Executive power of the State of Missouri has conferred full powers on Edward Carrington Cabell and Thomas L. Snead, and the President of the Confederate States of America on R. M. T. Hunter, their Secretary of State, who, after having exchanged their said full powers in due and proper form, have agreed to the following articles:

Article 1. The State of Missouri shall be admitted into the Confederacy on an equal footing with the other States composing the same, on the fulfilment of the conditions set forth in the second section of the act of the Congress of the Confederate States, entitled An act to aid the State of Missouri in repelling invasion by the United States, and to autho

PROTEST

AGAINST THE

DEFENSIVE POLICY.

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rize the admission of said State as a member of the Confederate States of America, and for other purposes,' approved August 20th, 1861.

"Art, 2. Until said State of Missouri shall become a member of said Confederacy, the whole military force, material of war and military operations, offensive and defensive, of said State shall be under the chief control and direction of the President of the Confederate States, upon the same basis, princlples and footing as if said State were now and during the interval, a member of said Confederacy, the said force, together with that of the Confederate States, to be employed for their common defense. "Art. 3. The State of Missouri will, whenever she becomes a member of said Confederacy, turn over to said Confederate States all the public property, naval stores and munitions of war, of which she may then be in possession, acquired from the United States (excepting the public lands) on the same terms and in the same manner as the other States of said Confederacy have done in like cases.

"Art, 4. All expenditures for the prosecution of the existing war incurred by the State of Missouri, from and after the date of the signing of this convention, shall be met and provided for by the Confedeerate States.

1861, yet, it is nearer the truth than the President's hypocritical statement of "glorious results."

"The policy of monotonous defense which has been perseveringly pursued by the authorities of the Confederacy has been the subject of universal regret among the Southern people, of annoyance to our generals, and of disease and death to our armies. On the side of the enemy, it has more than repaired the damage inflicted upon them in many brilliant battles; and, among foreign nations, it has engendered more distrust of our ability to make good our independence than all other causes combined.

"On the army it has had a deplorable effect; not merely producing that ennui which is the fruitful mother of diseases, discontents and demoralization in the camp; but i has substituted for that buoyant confidence and resolution to do, to dare, and to die, which actuated our volunteers, a wide spread feeling of listless hopelessness of results, with an indisposition and partial incapacity to achieve them.

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The enemy have found themselves at perfect leisure, in the very presence of our legions, to devise, mature and make trial of any plan of campaign or assault which they have thought expedient. Nowhere have they been thrown, by any movement of ours, into a moment's alarm for the safety of any Art. 5. The alliance hereby made between the army or any district of country in their possession, said State of Missouri and the Confederate States except on the memorable occasion of their panic shall be offensive and defensive, and shall be and for the safety of Washington city, which the same remain in force during the continuance of the exist-evil genius of defense prevented from being taken ing war with the United States, or until superseded by our forces. Their generals and their politicians by the admission of said State into the Confederacy, have been left to entire liberty to plan any schemes and shall take effect from the date thereof, accord- of campaign, any assaults, or raids, or incursion into ing to the provisions of the third section of the our territory that their genius might suggest, or aforesaid act, approved August 20th, 1861. their rapacity or malignity might devise. They have encountered no opposition at any stage of their preparations for these operations. We have stood still and allowed all their preliminary arrangements to be perfected, attempting to nip no scheme of mischief in the bud, and never thinking for a single moment or in a solitary instance how much more easily mischief may be crushed in its inception than successfully withstood when at the head and in full tide and momentum of execution.

"In faith whereof, we, the Commissioners of the State of Missouri, and of the Confederate States of America, have signed and sealed these presents.

"Done, in duplicate, at the city of Richmond, on the 31st day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one.

"E. C. CABELL,
"THOS. L. SNEAD,
"R. M. T. HUNTER."

"To all eyes abroad our energies seem to have been palsied by a fatal paralysis. All that might have been achieved by policy and genius has been PROTEST AGAINST THE DEFENSIVE POLICY. neglected; and nothing has retrieved our reputation The Confederate President inaugurated the defen- for vigor and capacity but the boldness of our solsive policy pursued during 1861. To it the opposi-diers and the success of our generals in active ention was very bitter, but Davis' voice was supreme, gagement. The impression made upon the foreign and his system prevailed. The Richmond Examiner of Dec. 30th, thus gave the summary of the year's doings under that system of warfare. The tone of this article, it will be perceived, is not quite so exultant as that of Davis' message of November 18th,

mind is, as if our generals had been all the time manacled by secret instructions from the closet, and our soldiers leashed like hounds, forced to slink and crawl at the heels of the hunter, though it was felt that they were noble bloods needing but the sound

of the bugle to open in full and terrible cry. For | and which, though expecting an attack every day, a general to put forth exertion, was to render yet decimates its armies by inaction."

some explanation of conduct necessary; for him to fight battles and win victories, was to encounter indirect censure, to provoke the cold shoulder, and to inaugurate a quarrel with the powers above. "The effect of this obstinate adherance to the defensive programme has been very deplorable upon the lists of mortality. While we have lost thousands by disease, we have lost only tens by the casualties of the battle field. The whole country is filled with mourning; and the sad lament of mother, father, wife, sister, all, is that their kinsman died the horrid death of the hospital, and not the glorious death of the soldier on the battle field. The noble spirits that, in volunteering for their country's defense, thought to seek glory at the cannon's mouth, have paid the debt of nature upon beds of fever in vast charnel houses of disease, where those who ministered to them knew not their names, and where they were lost to all possibility of discovery from anxiously seeking friends. The policy of defense has cost the lives of the more gallant and brave spirits who chafed under inaction; it has bereft our armies of ten thousand heroes, who, if led against the enemy, would have escaped the dangers of the field after winning victories that would have

added lustre to our annals.

"This defensive policy has not only cost us men, but it has cost us territory. Many counties of Eastern Virginia and important regions on the more southern seaboard are now occupied by the enemy, who would never have ventured forth to such distances if they had been menaced nearer home. Nearly all of Western Virginia is in the hands of an enemy who never would have gained a foothold in the interior if the original plan of aggressive attack along the line of the Baltimore and Ohio railway, and from Wytheville toward the mouth of the Kanawha and Sandy, through Eastern Kentucky toward Cincinnati, had been adhered to, instead of concentrating our forces for mere defense on Cheat Mountain and on Sewell. This moment Bowling Green and Columbus could be more effectually relieved and the Southern cause in Kentucky put more speedily on its legs, by menacing Cincinnati with a column of ten thousand men from Western Virginia, than by concentrating a hundred thousand men in the path which the enemy has chosen for his march from Louisville southward. That cannot be good generalship which leaves the enemy at perfect leisure to mature all his preparations for aggression, and then to choose the roads by which he will march and the fields on which he will fight. That cannot be a glorious system of warfare which never ventures an aggressive movement, or even a battle,

GOVERNOR LETCHER'S MESSAGE OF JANUA-
RY 6TH, 1862, IN REMITTING THE GEORGIA
RESOLUTIONS TO THE VIRGINIA LEGISLA

TURE.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Jan. 6th, 1862. GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF DELE

GATES:

I received from his Excellency Joseph E. Brown, Governor of the State of Georgia, a communication enclosing joint resolutions adopted by the Legislature of that State, and approved December 11, 1861. These resolutions relate to matters of the first impor tance, and they command my cordial approbation. They declare the sentiments of the Southern Confederacy, and will be enthusiastically responded to by the people of all classes.

In communicating those resolutions to the General Assembly I embrace the opportunity to fill up a hiatus in the history of the State growing out of her changed relations. Virginia dissolved her connec tion with the Government of the United States on the 17th day of April last, having watched closely the political conduct of President Lincoln and his Cabinet from the 4th day of March preceding. A large portion of our people believed, from the revelations of his inaugural message, that he designed to subju. gate the South, and much of his policy as developed in the first six weeks of his administration, tended to confirm and strengthen this belief. The appearance of his proclamation, however, calling on Virginia and other States for volunteers, removed all doubts, and made it plain and palpable that subjugation was his object. He had revealed his purpose by the issue of his proclamation, to use Virginians, if possible, in coercing their Southern slaveholding brethren into submission to his will and obedience to his Government and authority. Virginia, seeing that the only hope of preserving her rights and honor as a State and the liberties of her people consisted in dissolving her connection with the Government of the United States and resuming her sovereignty, adopted that course, and subsequently determined to unite her destiny with her Southern sisters. She did so; and her Convention, being at the time in session, adopted such ordinances and regulations as were necessary to protect her citizens against the machinations of enemies at home and the encroachments of enemies from abroad.

Events that have transpired since the 17th day of April last have more than confirmed the worst apprehensions of the people of Virginia, and have furnished an ample and complete justification for the

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