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regard says, if Anderson will name a day for with entered one of the embrasures with a flag of truce. drawing, and will not use his guns, he [Beauregard) He said Beauregard wished the firing stopped, and would abstain from firing on him. Anderson replied asked upon what terms Anderson would evacuate. that he would evacuate [if means of transport were The answer was, “ Upon the terms I proposed, and afforded him) on the 15th, if, in the meantime he was on those only.” Wigfall disappeared with the annot controlled by instructions from his government, swer. Soon another deputation from Beauregard or if additional supplies were not sent him. He came, proposing to treat for terms, when Anderson agreed not to open his guns if some hostile act was informed them of Wigfall's proceedingsmat which not committed against him.

the deputation marveled. Terms finally accepted - Beauregard, by his aids, James Chesnut, Jr., as Anderson first proposed. and Stephen D. Lee, at 3. 20 A. M., informed Ander- - Three Commissioners from the Virginia State son that the batteries would open fire on him in one Convention to the President of the United States hour from that time.

call upon Mr. Lincoln, and demand to know what -Fire opened on Sumter from all the rebel bat are his purposes in regard to the Confederate States. teries, fortifications, and the floating battery-the The President replies that if an unprovoked assault first gun being fired at 4. 30 A. 2. Anderson re has been made on Fort Sumter, he shall hold himturned the fire soon after daylight.

self at liberty to repossess it — to repel force by

force. This the Commissioners (Messrs. Preston, --The bombardment of Fort Samter. The bar. Stuart, and Randolph) report to the State Conven. racks in the fort on fire three times. Flames sup- tion, (December 14th,) when it is regarded as a Depressed. Firing is furious on both sides.

claration of War, and immediate steps are taken to -Walker, Secretary of War, in reply to a sere- place Virginia in a state of preparation for secession Dade in honor of the bombardment then going on,

and resistance. said that, by the 1st of May, the Confederate flag April 14.—Evacuation of Fort Sumter by Anderwould float over the dome of the Capitol at Wash- son. The men all march out with their arms. All ington—it might, eventually, float over Faneuil individual and company baggage accompanied them. Hall itself.

The flag is saluted with a salvo of fifty guns, and is -The Legislature of Pennsylvania passes a bill borne away by the troops. The band plays “ Yanfor placing the State on a war footing. Five hun. kee Doodle" and “Hail to the Chief" during the de. dred thousand dollars are appropriated for arming barkation. and equipping the military.

-Profound excitement throughout the entire April 13.---The bombardment of Fort Sumter con- country. But one feeling seems to animate the tinued. The barracks again on fire. Flames obtain North—that the Government is right, and shall be control, and the conflagration becomes general in supported to the last extremity. Military compathe fort, consuming all wood-work. Magazine has nies, regiments, individuals, hasten to offer their ser. to be closed, and the men are stifled with the in- vices. Governor Sprague, of Rhode Island, offers tense heat and dense smoke. The bombardment the Marine Artillery and one thousand Infantry for continues with renewed vigor-hot shot and shell instant service, together with his own services. pouring into the fort. The upper service magazine Other Governors were prepared to do likewise, explodes, tearing away the tower and upper por. when the news of a proclamation came. tions of the building. Fire spread to the gates, April 15.-President Lincoln issues a proclamawhich were consumed. Fort is fast becoming a tion, announcing a state of insurrection in the Seven mere ruin—the shot and shell from the rebel batter- Seceded States too powerful for suppression by the ies cutting away the walls freely. The flag-staff is ordinary courts and marshals, and therefore calls out shot down, when Lieutenant Hall, rushing through the militia, to the number of seventy-five thousand, the appalling fire, brought it into the casemates. to cause the laws to be duly respected. The proclaThe flag was nailed to the staff and planted on the mation also convenes both Houses of Congress, to ramparts. Seeing the flag down, Wigfall, one of assemble on the 4th day of July, to consider and deBeauregard's aids, passed over to the fortress and termine such measures as the crisis demands.

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THE 4th day of March, 1861, was a day of dress. His voice was loud, and very clear; painful suspense to the entire country. It his enunciation deliberate, and his manner was to determine the future of the Republic- impressive. If there was danger of assassinto witness the inauguration of a " sectional" ation, he did not betray the slightest apprePresident, upon whose words would hang hension. His entire action betokened the the issues of peace or war, of union or dis- man ready for duty. The crowd was remarkunion. The fears entertained of violence to ably orderly, composed as it was, in a great prevent the installation, and of danger to the degree, of those who had “come to see the President's person, served to intensify the President safely inaugurated.” Though no apprehension of his friends and partisans, recognition was given, in the order of exerwhile the position he should assume on cises, to the Republican “Wide-Awake" soNational affairs rendered the anxiety in the cieties, as such, it was well understood that South especially acute.

at least ten thousand “Wide-Awakes” were At a quarter past one the President and present, at the ceremony, armed ready for President-elect having been ushered into the close conflict, should a resort to arms become Senate Chamber—where their appearance necessary. A knowledge of this, together was waited for by the Senate, House of Rep- with the imposing disposition of the military, resentatives, Foreign Ministers, Judges of the under immediate command of Generals Scott Supreme Court, &c.--the procession imme- and Wool, served to render the order of the diately formed and passed to the east front occasion exceedingly satisfactory. The Presiof the Capitol. A vast crowd was in attend- dent's voice reached to the outermost rim of ance, composed of persons gathered from all the immense assembly, so commanding were sections of the country. The President-elect, its tones. The Address, as pronounced, and stepping forward to the prominent position sent upon the wings of the telegraph to all assigned him, delivered his Inaugural Ad- parts of the country, was as follows:



ural Address.

ural Address.




service or labor, but shall be deliv. Mr. Lincoln's Inaug.

ered up on claim of the party to Mr. Lincoln's Inang. UNITED STATES :

whom such service or labor may be “In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear be- “It is scarcely questioned that this provision was fore you to address you briefly, and to take in your intended, by those who made it, for the reclamation presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of of what we call fugitive slaves' and the intention the United States to be taken by the President before of the law-giver is the law. All members of Conhe enters on the execation of his office. I do not gress swear their support to the whole Constitation ; consider it necessary at present for me to discuss to this provision as well as any other. To the propthose matters of administration about which there osition, then, that slaves whose cases come within is no special anxiety or excitement.

the terms of this clause shall be delivered up,' their “Apprehension seems to exist among the people of oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the the Southern States that by the accession of a Repub. effort, in good temper, could they not, with nearly lican Administration, their property, and their peace equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of and personal security, are to be endangered. There which to keep good that unanimous oath? There is has never been any reasonable cause for such appre

some difference of opinion whether this clause should hension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the con- be enforced by National or by State authority; but, trary has all the while existed, and been open to their surely, that difference is not a very material one. inspection. It is found in nearly all the published If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but little consequence to him or to others, by which quote from one of those speeches when I declare authority it is done. Should any one, in any case, that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to

be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely interfere with the institution of Slavery in the States unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to kept? do so, and I have no inclination to do so.' Those · Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not who nominated and elected me did so with a full all the safeguards of liberty known in the civilized knowledge that I had made this and many similar and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that declarations, and had never recanted them. And,

a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a more than this; they placed in the platform for my slave? And might it not be well, at the same time, acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause the clear and emphatic resolution which I now

in the Constitution which guarantees that the citiread:

zens of each State shall be entitled to all the privi"** Resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights leges and immunities of citizens in the several States ? • of the States, and especially the right of each State to order I take the official oath to-day with no mental reser

and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power tution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and, while

vations, and with no purpose to construe the Constion which the perfection and endurauce of our political fabrio depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Conforce of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.'

will be much safer for all, both in official and private “I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts so, only press upon the public attention the most which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, trusting to find impunity in having them held to bo that the property, peace, and security of no section ‘unconstitutional.' are to be in any wise endangered by the now incom- “ It is seventy-two years since the first inauguraing Administration. I add, too, that all the protection of a President under our National Constitution. tion which, consistently with the Constitution and During that period fifteen different and very distinthe laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to guished citizens have in succession administered the all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever Executive branch of the Government. They have cause, as cheerfully to one section as to another. conducted it through many perils, and, generally,

" There is much controversy about the delivering with great success. Yet, with all this scope for preup of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I cedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as

Constitutional term of four years, under great and any other of its provisions :

peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal “No person held to service or labor in one State, under Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence

attempted. of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such I hold that, in contemplation of universal law



ural Address.

and of the Constitution, the National authority. The power Mr. Lincoln's Inaug. Union of these States is per. confided to me will be used to

Mr. Lincoln's Inaug. ural Address.

petual. Perpetuity is implied, hold, occupy, and possess the if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all property and places belonging to the Govern. National Governments. It is safe to assert that no ment, and collect the duties and imports; but, beGovernment proper ever had a provision, in its yond what may be necessary for these objects, there organic law, for its own termination. Continue to will be no invasion, no using of force against or execute all the express provisions of our National among the people anywhere. Where hostility to Constitution, and the Union will endure forever--it the United States shall be so great and so universal being impossible to destroy it except by some ac- as to prevent competent resident citizens from holdtion not provided for in the instrument itself. ing the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to

Again, if the United States be not a Government force obnoxious strangers among the people that proper, but an association of States in the nature of object. While the strict legal right may exist of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably the Government to enforce the exercise of these unmade by less than all the parties who made it? offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, One party to a contract-may violate it, break it, so and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it to speak, but does it not require all to lawfully re- better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. scind it? Descending from these general principles, The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be fur. we find the proposition that, in legal contemplation, nished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the people everywhere shall have that sense of perthe Union itself. The Union is much older than the fect security which is most favorable to calm thought Constitution. It was formed, in fact, hy the Articles and reflection. of Association in 1774. It was matured and contin- “The course here indicated will be followed, unued in the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It less current events and experience shall show a was further matured, and the faith of all the then modification or change to be proper; and, in every Thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that case and exigency, my best discretion will be exerit should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confed-cised according to the circumstances actually existeration in 1778 ; and, finally, in 1787 one of the, and with a view and hope of a peaceful solution clared objects for ordaining and establishing the of the National troubles and the restoration of fraConstitution was, ' to form a more perfect Union.' ternal sympathies and affections. But, if the destruction of the Union, by one or by a “That there are persons in one section or another part only of the States, be lawfully possible, the who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are Union is less than before—the Constitution having glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor lost the vital element of perpetuity. .

1'denye But, if there be such, I need address no word “ It follows, from these views, that no State, upon to them. To those, however, who really love the its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union, may I not speak? Before entering upon so Union ; that resolves' and 'ordinances' to that grave a matter as the destruction of our National effect are legally void, and that acts of violence fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its within any State or States against the authority of hopes, would it not be well to ascertain why we do the United States are insurrectionary or revolution it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while any ary, according to circumstances.

portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist* I, therefore, consider that, in view of the Con- ence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are stitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and, greater than all the real ones you fly from? Will to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that “ All profess to be content in the Union, if all the laws of the Union be ' faithfully executed in all Constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, the States. This I deem to be only a simple duty then, that any right plainly written in the Constituon my part, and I shall perfectly perform it, so far tion has been denied ? I think not. Happily, the as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the human mind is so constituted that no Party can American people, shall withhold the requisition, or reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you in some authoritative manner direct the contrary ! can, of a single instance in which a plainly written

" I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, provision of the Constitution has ever been denied ? but only as the declared purpose of the Union, that if, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deit will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. prive a minority of any clearly-written Constitutional In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revoand there shall be none unless it is forced upon the lution; certainly would, if such right were a vital

one. But, such is not our case. case, still, the evil effect followMr. Lincoln's Inaug. All the vital rights of minorities ing it, being limited to that par

Mr. Lincoln's Inaug. ural Address.

ural Address. and of individuals are so plainly ticular case, with the chance assured to them, by affirmations and negations, by that it may be overruled, and never become a prece. guarantees and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that dent for other cases, can better be borne than could controversies never arise concerning them.

the evils of a different practice. At the same time, “No organic law can ever be framed with a pro- the candid citizen must confess that, if the policy of vision specifically applicable to every question the Government upon the yital questions affecting which may occur in practical administration. No the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the foresight can anticipate, nor any document of rea- decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are sonable length contain, express provisions for all made from ordinary litigation between parties in per. possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be sonal actions, the people will have ceased to be their surrendered by National or by State authority ? own masters, having, to that extent, practically reThe Constitution does not expressly say. Must Con- signed their Government into the hands of that emigress protect Slavery in the Territories? The Con

nent tribunal. Nor is there, in this view, any assault stitution does not expressly say. From questions upon the Court or the Judges. It is a duty from of this class spring all our Constitutional controver- which they may not shrink, to decide cases properly sies, and we divide upon them into majorities and brought before them; and it is no fault of theirs if minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the others seek to turn their decisions to political purmajority must, or the Government must cease.

poses. There is no alternative for continuing the Govern- “One section of our country believes Slavery is ment but acquiescence on the one side or the other. right and ought to be extended, while the other beIf a minority, in such a case, will 'secede' rather lieves it wrong and ought not to be extended. This than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn is the only substantial dispute ; and the Fugitive will ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own Slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the will secede from them whenever a majority refuses suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, well enforced, perhaps, as any law ever can be in a why may not any portion of a new Confederacy, a community where the moral sense of the people imyear or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, pre-perfectly supports the law itself. The great body of cisely as portions of the present Union now claim the people abide by the dry legal obligation, in both to secede from it? All who cherish disunion senti

cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, ments are now being educated to the exact tempercannot be perfectly cured ; and it would be worse of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of in- in both cases, after the separation of the sections, terests among the States to compose a new Union as than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperto produce harmony only and prevent renewed fectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, secession?

without restriction in one section, while fugitive “Plainly, the central idea of secession is the slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not essence of anarchy. A majority, held in restraint be surrendered at all by the other. by constitutional checks and limitations, and always Physically speaking, we cannot separate-we changing easily with deliberate changes of popular cannot remove our respective sections from each opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign other, nor build an impassable wall between them. of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity the presence and beyond the reach of each other, is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a perma- but the different parts of our country cannot do this. nent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, They can but remain face to face, and intercourse, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despot- either amicable or hostile, must continue between ism in some form is all that is left.

them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse "I do not forget the position assumed by some, more advantageous or more satisfactory after sepathat Constitutional questions are to be decided by ration than before! Can aliens make treaties easier the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such decision than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more must be binding, in any case upon the parties to a faithfully enforced between aliens than laws among suit, as to the object of that suit, while the decisions friends?. Suppose you go to war. You cannot fight are also entitled to very high respect and considera- always; and when, after much loss on both sides, tion in all parallel cases, by all other Departments of and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identi. the Government; and, while it is obviously possible cal questions as to terms of intercourse are again that such decision may be erroneous, in any given upon you !


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