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JOSEPH HOLT'S LETTER.

ing their day. The people will yet have theirs. I have an abiding confidence in the right, and I know this secession movement is all wrong. There is, in fact, not a single substantial reason for it. If there is, I should be glad to hear of it; our Government has never oppressed us with a feather's weight.

The direst oppression alone could justify what has brought all our present suffering upon us. May God, in his mercy, save our glorious Republic!"

The Senate, on the 24th of May--the last day of the session-passed resolutions declaring that "Kentucky will not sever connection with the National Government, nor take up arms for either belligerent party; but arm herself for the preservation of peace within her borders, and tendering their services as mediators to effect a just and honorable peace."

It is extraordinary, in view of the great strength of the secession sentiment in the Legislature, that a more revolutionary course was not pursued. Much was owing to the firm stand taken by the friends of the General Government. Though the test vote in the lower House stood forty-nine Unionists to forty-three Secessionists, the former acted in perfect concert, while the latter were divided and vacillating. But, with infinitely less power to back him, the Tennessee Governor had given his State over to the embraces of the black monster of rebellion, and why could not Kentucky be "leagued" with the same dark power?

Dr. Breckenridge's
Declarations.

171

and the other two States-that saved Ken-
tucky. The question was flatly asked by
General Boyle, of the army, then a private
citizen of Kentucky, 'Will you have twelve
thousand men ready the moment we ask for
them?' It was flatly asked of the Governors
of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, and the reply
was, they would sustain them; and I suppose
I may add that Mr. Lincoln was telegraphed
to, asking whether he would assist them, and
he said, with his whole power.' Mr. Boyle
telegraphed to Governor Dennison for ten
He replied, 'You can
thousand men at call,
have them.' He also asked for ten thousand
from Indiana and Illinois, and received the
same reply. This was the salvation of Ken-
tucky."

Maryland, Missouri and Kentucky all must have cast their fortunes with the 'Slave Confederacy had it not been for their proximity to the Free States, and for the presence, among them, of citizens whose devotion to the Union exceeded their love for "Southern institu

tions."

The future will

Tennessee and Virginia had such citizens; but, alas! they were "precipitated" before help could reach them, and were only restored to the Union by the appalling ordeals of suffering and blood. scarcely credit as a fact that the conspirators were really eager to court the ordeal-knowing, as they did, that their soil would become the battle-field, and desolation would, Rev. Dr. Breckenridge, inevitably, follow in the train. But, the fact in his Cincinnati address is written in the very word rebellion; and can (May, 1862) said: "We are only be accounted for by the reckless ambiin the habit of thinking hard, very hard, tion which controlled the leaders, and the of the loyal portion in Tennessee or South mental and moral hallucination which posCarolina, that they permitted this insurrec- sessed the people, namely: of founding a vast tion. They were oppressed at home, and Slave Confederacy, untrammeled by any compelled to take up arms against the Gov-alliance with Free States. ernment. You will allow me to make a local and personal reference, and to say that if it had not been by mere accident-if it had not been for the blessing of God and the heroism of some persons-the very same thing would have happened in Kentucky; and I will go further and say, in extenuation of the conduct of many who were really loyal citizens further south—I will say further, that it was the proximity of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, the fidelity of the people of the latter States, upon which these men depended-of your people

Joseph Holt's Letter.

We should not omit to. mention, as having exercised an important influence on the loyal sentiment of the State, a letter written by Joseph Holt, ex-Secretary of War, to a citizen of Kentucky, upon the policy of the Federal Government, &c. Its examination of the entire question of Kentucky's relations and duty to the Government, was most able and exhaustive. It dealt unsparing blows at treasonvindicated the right of the Federal Administration to send troops through or into any

Joseph Holt's Letter.

Address to Kentucky.

will be burned, our people will be slain, and this goodly land be re-baptized the land of blood.'

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State to suppress rebellion | ders. Let those hostile armies and treason-rebuked, with meet on our soil, and it will much severity, the proclaimed "neutrality" matter but little to us which may succeed, for deof Kentucky, and censured the course of those struction to us will be the inevitable result. Our whose fears prevented them from doing their fields will be laid waste, our houses and cities duty in the crisis. The letter was printed at length in several leading Union journals, and was, also, issued in pamphlet form. It thus found its way to all sections of the State, and, commanding very general attention, proved one of the most powerful silent influences brought to bear in centralizing opinion to the point of active co-operation against the rebellion.

Tennessee

Menacing Kentucky.

If any thing was wanting to arouse the patriotism of the people, it was found in the menacing attitude of Tennessee. As early as May 20th, troops in large numbers began to rendezvous along the border-at Fountain Head, Springfield, Mitchellville and near Union City; while, the gathering at Nashville of a force sufficient to " open a way through to Louisville," indicated, more clearly than ever, the design of "compelling Kentucky to assume her true position in the Southern movement." If Kentucky remained independent she would require not only the arms of her own people, but also the co-operation of the General Government.

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And even the institution to preserve or control which this wretched war was undertaken, will be exterminated in the general ruin. Such is the evil that others will bring upon us, no matter which side we take, if this is to be the battle-field. But there is danger at home, even more appalling than any that comes from beyond. People of Kentucky, look well to it that you do not get to fighting among yourselves, for then, indeed, you will find, that it is an ill fight where he that wins has the worst of it. Endeavor to be of one mind, and strive to keep the State steady in her present position. Hold fast to

that sheet anchor of republican liberty, that the will of the majority, constitutionally and legally expressed, must govern. You have, in the election by which this Convention was chosen, displayed a unanimity unparalleled in your history. May you be as unanimous in the future; may your majorities be so decided that a refusal to obey may be justly called factious. Trust and love one another. Avoid

necessary for

angry strife. Frown upon the petty ambition of
demagogues who would stir up bad passions among
you. Consider, as wise men, what
your own best interests, and in humble submission,
trust and look to that Almighty Being who has hith-
erto so signally blessed us as a nation, for His guid
ance through the gloom and darkness of this hour."

The address to the People of the United States was an elaborate appeal for peacepatriotic in its tone, yet ambiguous on the point of duty; for, while it deprecated war, it said: "It is proper for us to say that, in our opinion the Constitution delegates to no one department of the Government, nor to all of them combined, the power to destroy the Government itself, as would be done by the division of the country into separate confede

tain the Constitution of the United States and to preserve the Union unimpaired."

The proceedings culminated in two ad-racies, and that the obligation exists to maindresses-one to the People of Kentucky and one to the People of the United States. The first discussed at considerable length the position of the State in the controversy pending. Its terms will be inferred from this closing paragraph:

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If the obligation existed to "maintain the Constitution of the United States and to preserve the Union unimpaired," why did that Convention pettifog Kentucky into a condition of "neutrality”—of indifference to obligations and solemn duty? The address was also an appeal. The closing portions read:

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GENERAL

Kentucky's Address

to the People.

BUCKNER AND GENERAL MCCLELLAN.

the whole people, without regard to parties or sections, will be able to command a settlement of the national difficulties, and will see the propriety and necessity of having a cessation of present hostilities, so that the measures of pacification which your wisdom may devise can be calmly considered by your constituted authorities?

"We venture to suggest for your consideration and action two specific propositions as most likely to lead to pacification:

"First. That Congress shall at once propose such constitutional amendments as will secure to slaveholders their legal rights, and allay their apprehensions in regard to possible encroachments in the

future.

"Second. If this should fail to bring about the results so desirable to us, and so essential to the best hopes of our country, then let a voluntary Convention be called, composed of delegates from the peo

ple of all the States, in which measures of peaceable adjustment may be devised and adopted, and the nation rescued from the continued horrors and calamities of civil war.

"To our fellow-citizens of the North we desire to say: Discard that sectional and unfriendly spirit, manifested by teaching and action, which has contributed so much to inflame the feelings of the Southern people, and justly create apprehension on their part of injury to them.

"To our fellow-citizens of the South we desire to

say: Though we have been greatly injured by your precipitate action, we would not now reproach you as the cause of that injury; but we entreat you to re-examine the question of the necessity for such action, and if you find that it has been taken without due consideration, as we verily believe, and that the evils you apprehended from a continuance in the Union were neither so great nor so uhavoidable as you supposed, or that Congress is willing to grant aeequate securities, then we pray you to return promptly to your connection with us, that we may be in the future, as we have been in the past, one great, powerful and prosperous nation."

Still prating compromise! When the Government was in the throes of a revolution to ask the revolutionists to accept any other terms of settlement than an adoption of the fundamental principles of their movement! To ask the Free State majority to accept such "terms of settlement" as a minority would dictate! It was the folly of" whistling down the hurricane," as Mr. Crittenden and his excellent friends soon discovered.

Colonel Prentiss, having been informed of

173

The first Federal "Invasion" of Kentucky.

the presence of a camp of disloyalists at a point only ten miles below Cairo, and five miles inland in Kentucky, dispatched two companies to proceed to the point indicated and scatter the rebels. This was done during the night of June 5th, when the Union troops returned to Cairo. As a matter of course a protest followed from "the authorities" of· Kentucky. These authorities, however, consisted of only one person who, it appeared from his " 'instructions,' had been requested by the Governor to preserve the "attitude of self-defense" demanded by the proclamation. Colonel Prentiss answered the protest very curtly by informing the protestant that the Union men of Kentucky should have his aid and protection at all times when it was solicited-that he was only amenable to the

Federal Government for his acts.

General Buckner and General McClellan.

Under date of June 10th, Major-General Buckner informed the Governor that he had entered into an agreement with General McClellan-the Federal commander of the Department of the Ohio-by which the Kentucky authorities were to protect United States property within the limits of the State -to enforce the laws of the United States

according to their interpretation by the United States courts, and to enforce, with all the powers of the State, Kentucky's "obligations of neutrality as against the Southern States," &c., &c. McClellan, it was stated, stipulated that the territory of Kentucky should be respected even though the Southern States should occupy it"-in which case, he was to call upon the State to remove the Southern forces. Failing to remove them within a reasonable time, McClellan claimed the same right of occupancy as that given to the Souther troops, &c., &c. Also stipulating that he (McClellan) would withdraw his forces as soon as he had "removed" the Southern forces! This most absurd " arrangement" was soon made public, much to the dismay of the Federal Administration; but, only a momentary dismay, for General McClellan denied, in toto, the statements of Buckner, and stated that he had made no arrangement, of any kind -that the interview was repeatedly solicited by Buckner, and when it did occur was per

sonal, not official. He said: "I made no stipulation on the part of the General Government, and regarded his voluntary promise to drive out the Confederate troops as the only result of the interview." Buckner's course, in soon after joining the Confederate cause, bearing with him all the Kentucky troops over whom he exerted any influence, gives us the key to the "views" which he entertained of the interview referred to. He wished to

publish some tangible excuse for his defection, and found it in the assumed bad faith of the General Government in not carrying out the arrangement which he had made with McClellan! He had quaffed too deeply at the fountain of Jefferson Davis and John C. Breckenridge, and ceased to be the soul of honor when he became the instrument of Southern dishonor. He lived long enough to read his errors and feel his disgrace.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE CAMPAIGN OPENED. OCCUPATION OF VIRGINIA. DEATH OF ELLSWORTH. REBEL MALIGNITY. BEAUREGARD'S INFAMOUS PROCLAMATION. MCDOWELL IN COMMAND. SCOTT'S PLAN OF WAR. LIEUTENANT TOMPKINS' GALLANT DASH AT FAIROPERATIONS OF GENERAL BUTLER.

THE

FAX

C.

H.

Plans of the
Belligerents.

Plans of the Belligerents.

THE gathering of troops | sand rash, insolent and vioat Washington and Rich- lent men-the "flower of mond to the majority of the Southern youth” — in observers was, after all, a mystery. The "de- arms, rest and a bloodless duty were simply fense of Washington" did not require so vast impossible. By May 15th the reconnoissances an army as rendezvoused there in May; nor and surveys made by the enemy, of the Virwas the immense aggregation of Southern ginia territory opposite Washington, made it forces at Richmond, at the same time, ex- apparent that the heights at Arlington, Alexplained by the declared policy of the Con- andria, and the hills above Georgetown, were federates "to resist invasion." If the Fede- to be occupied. The aggregation of troops rals did not intend invasion, and the Confed- at Harper's Ferry was followed by their ocerates did not design to attack the Capital, cupation of the hills opposite, in Maryland. the novice in the art of war might well ask- The ferry at Williamsport was commanded then why the armies? by a large detachment of Virginia and South Carolina troops, May 19th, preparatory to crossing. Attempts were also made to seize the ferry boats near Clear Spring, and at other points-all looking to an invasion of Maryland to co-operate with an arranged uprising in Baltimore. The plan of the rebels, it afterwards appeared, was to pass around Washington, after securing the surrounding points against approach; then to precipitate the

There was wisdom in this careful avoidance of the first aggressive step. Notwithstanding the offenses already committed by the revolutionists against the United States Government, and the menacing attitude of their armies, the Federal Administration evidently preferred to allow the hot-heads to commit the first act of hostilities direct. There was not much delay in that act. With twenty-five thou

THE FEDERAL ADVANCE INTO VIRGINIA.

175

Plans of the Belligerents.

entire disposable Confederate force upon Chambersburg and Philadelphia. It was conceived that a quick stroke in that direction, securing the great commercial centre of Philadelphia, and cutting off Washington, from all approach-for the Potomac was commanded by rebel batteries at Acquia Creck and other points-would allow the Confederates to dictate their terms of settlement and peace.

All these manœuvres were fully understood by General Scott. With his usual sagacity the old Commander changed the face of affairs in a night. Awaiting the election in Virginia, on the 23d, on the night of that day the movement over the Potomac was made, which compelled the enemy to centre all his attention in that direction and at the Yorktown peninsula, to cover their then capital from seizure.

The Federal Advance into Virginia.

The advance was well and secretly matured. But few persons, even of those in high places, knew of the stroke designed, although from the note of preparation sounding through all the camps, it was apparent that some movement was contemplated. All the various points of crossing the Potomac were guarded late in the day of May 23d, to prevent the passage over of any boat which might communicate news of the "invasion" to the rebel pickets on the opposite shore. These sentries were composed chiefly of the Washington City volunteer companies, who acted throughout the entire proceeding with commendable zeal and courage. "A full moon looked peacefully down, and perfect quiet reigned on all the neighboring shores. But this was to give place very speedily to more stirring movements. Somewhat after midnight Captain Smead's company, the National Rifles, and Captain Powell's company were advanced across the bridge to the neighborhood of Roach's Spring. Scouts were sent out in ali directions, who managed to get past the line of the Virginia pickets. Somewhat later the Virginia pickets, getting the alarm, set spurs to their horses and made off down the road towards Alexandria, in hot haste." The Constitutional Guards, Captain Degges, were on duty over the bridge. They

The Federal Advance into Virginia.

were advanced down the country as far as Four Mile Run. Thus, the District volunteers served as pioneers in opening the campaign of the War for the Union.

The passage of the troops commenced simultaneously, at two o'clock Friday morning, over the Long Bridge and the Chain Bridge at Georgetown, while the Ellsworth Fire Zouaves steamed away on transports direct from their encampment for Alexandria. The vanguard, commanded by InspectorGeneral Stone, was composed of six companies of the District volunteers. This was followed (over Long Bridge) by the New York Twelfth and Twenty-fifth, the First Michigan, the First, Second, Third and Fourth New Jersey; then two companies of regular cavalry; then Sherman's two batteries, while the New York Seventh, as a reserve, brought up the rear. General Mansfield commanded the movement over the bridge, though Major General Sandford, of the New York volunteers, assumed temporary command in Virginia, passing over the bridge at four o'clock, A. M. He proceeded, with his staff, directly to Arlington Heights. General Scott and Secretaries Cameron and Seward were at the bridge to witness the passage. But few other spectators were present. The slumber of the city was not broken. Its citizens awoke to learn that ten thousand troops had passed into the enemy's country.

General McDowell conducted the advance over the Georgetown bridge. The New York Sixty-ninth, Colonel Corcoran, followed by the Twenty-eighth, a company of regular cavalry (Drummond's) and a battery. The Sixty-ninth proceeded to seize the Orange and Manassas Gap railway, over which the Secessionists of Alexandria must retreat. A few rails were displaced, when the train, as expected, came up, having on board about seven hundred persons-among whom were three hundred men, who were held as prisoners.

The work of entrenching immediately commenced; the great number of tools as well as construction material which followed the force over, indicated the extent of labor designed.

The New York Fire Zouaves arrived at

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