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confidence, at once inspiring and encouraging. In the Border States it also created a favorable impression, and did so much to strengthen the Union men in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia, that the Secessionists found themselves, for a few days, quite disarmed by its unexpectedly considerate and dignified position. But, from the Confederate Government, came the key-note for the chorus of revolution. The Inaugural was declared to be a message of war, and the order went forth to prepare for the impending crisis of conflict.

Southern Excitement over the Inaugural,

"Mr Lincoln's Inaugural Address is before our readerscouched in the cool, unimpassioned, deliberate language of the fanatic, with the purpose of pursuing the promptings of fanaticism the horrors of civil war. Virginia has the long-lookedeven to the dismemberment of the Government, with for and promised peace-offering before her; and she has more she has the denial of all hope of peace. Civil war must now come. Sectional war, declared by Mr. Lincoln, awaits only the signal-gun from the insulted Southern Confederacy, to light its horrid fires all along the borders of Virginia. No action of our Convention can now maintain the peace. She

A dispatch from New Orleans, dated March must fight! The liberty of choice is yet hers. She 5th, read:

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over the Inaugural.

Dispatches from Richmond, of the same date, expressed defiance of the Government should it attempt to reassert its authority over the "seized" forts, arsenals, &c. The telegraph in the South beSouthern Excitement ing one of the especial instruments of the Secession leaders, was made to do duty in "firing the Southern heart," and, for a few days, the several Seceded States were, apparently, listening to the martial music of the wires as their chief pastime. The dispatches which came North, from the revolutionary localities, fairly flamed with "indignation," "de""resistance to the bitter end," &c., fiance," &c. As matters of interest, showing the temper of "Southern" feeling in the States of Maryland and Virginia, we quote from two journals in the Secession interest :

may march to the contest with her sister States of the South, or she must march to the conflict against them. There is left no middle course; there is left no more peace; war must settle the conflict, and the God of Battle give victory to the right! We must be invaded by Davis or by Lincoln. The former can rally 50,000 of the best and bravest sons of Virginia, who will rush with willing hearts and ready hands to the standard that protects the rights and defends the honor of the South-for every traitor heart that offers aid to Lincoln there will be many, many who will glory in the opportunity to avenge the treason by a sharp and certain death. Let not Virginians be arrayed against each other; and since we cannot avoid war, let us determine that together, as people of the same State, we will defend each other, and preserve the soil of the State from the polluting foot of the Black Republican invader. The question, 'Where shall Virginia go?' is answered by Mr. Lincoln. She must go to war-and she must decide with whom she wars-whether with those who have suffered her wrongs, or with those who have inflicted

her injuries. Our ultimate destruction pales before the cry; and when peace is declared, if ever, in our the present emergency. To war to arms! is now

day, Virginia may decide where she will finally rest. But for the present she has no choice left; war with Lincoln or with Davis is the choice left us. Read the Inaugural carefully, and then let every reader demand of his delegate in the Convention the prompt measures of defence which it is now appar ent we must make."-Richmond Inquirer.

"The Inaugural, as a whole, breathes the spirit of mischief. It has only a conditional conservatismthat is, the lack of ability or some inexpediency to do what it would. It assumes despotic authority, and intimates the design to exercise that authority to any extent of war and bloodshed, qualified only by the

withholding of the requisite means to the end by the American people. The argumentation of the address is puerile. Indeed, it has no quality entitled to the dignity of an argument. It is a shaky speci

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DOUGLAS' DEFENCE OF THE

men of special pleading, by way of justifying the unrighteous character and deeds of that fanaticism which, lifted into power, may be guilty, as it is capable, of any atrocities. There is no Union spirit in the address; it is sectional and mischievous, and studiously withholds any sign of recognition of that equality of the States upon which Union can alone be maintained. If it means what it says, it is the knell and requiem of the Union, and the death of hope."-Baltimore Sun.

The Democratic Press of the North.

The "Democratic" Press of the North, with few ex ceptions, were disposed to regard it favorably. These exceptions were in journals in the Breckenridge interest, which, we may here state, up to the very last possible hour, supported the cause of the Seceding States. The following notices will show their feeling:

"Mr. Lincoln stands to-day where he stood on the 6th of November last, on the Chicago Platform. He has not receded a single hair's-breadth. He has appointed a Cabinet in which there is no slaveholder—a thing that has never before happened since the formation of the Government; and in which there are but two nominally Southern men, and both bitter Black Republicans of the radical dye. Let the Border States ignominiously submit to the Abolition rule of this Lincoln Administration if they like, but don't let the miserable submissionists pretend to be deceived. Make any base or cowardly excuse but this."Philadelphia Pennsylvanian.

"The tone of the Message is courteous, considerate, and even conciliatory. The casual reader would at once be taken by the honeyed phrases in which it is couched, the many obvious truths it contains, and certain admissions of Constitutional rights which, after the frantic denunciations of an Anti-Slavery political campaign, seem almost like concessions. We could reconcile a peaceful policy with the Inaugural, but still there is a sting left. The Inaugural is not satisfactory; it is ambiguous; and we fear the Republicans, even while professing the most peaceful intentions. Coercion could not have been put in a more agreeable form; it reads like a challenge under the code, in which an invitation to the field is veiled under the most satisfactory syllables."-New York News.

These notices could be extended to great length, but those above given will answer for the tenor of the opposition manifested. In the extreme South it was war; in the Border Slave States it was non-submission to a policy of coercing the rebellious States; among the coadjutors of the revolutionists, in the

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Clingman's Assault of the inaugural.

| Northern States, the feeling was that of spite
merely; while, with the Republican journals,
and a large majority of the Douglas Demo-
cratic organs, the sentiments expressed were
those of hearty, earnest congratulation at
the promise of a just and firm administra-
tion of affairs, let the issue be what it might.
The Inaugural was fierce-
ly assailed in the Senate,
Wednesday, (March 6th,)
by Mr. Clingmån, of North Carolina, and de-
fended, very pointedly, by Mr. Douglas.
Mr. Clingman said the President expressly
declares that he intends to treat the States
as if they all were still in the Union-thus
regarding the acts of secession as a nullity!
As certain States had declared their independ-
ence, if the President acted upon his de-
cision, war must follow. It is plain and
unmistakable that he intends to hold, occu-
py, and possess the forts, the arsenals, &c., in
those Seceded States, when we know this can
be done only by dispossessing the State au-
thorities. The collection of the revenue
therein must also lead to a collision of arms.
After we declared our independence of Great
Britain, nobody supposed the colonies would
In fact, they refused to pay
pay taxes.
before their declaration of independence.
He repeated, if the President's policy be car-
ried out, there must inevitably be war.

Douglas' Defence of the Inaugural,

Mr. Douglas could not allow the North Carolina Senator's remarks to pass unanswered. He thought the Inaugural was characterized by great ability and directness on certain points. He had read it critically, and thought there could be rather than a war declaration. If the laws no doubt as to its intent-that it was a peace are to be executed, Congress must supply the means. Mr. Douglas assumed that Mr. Lincoln's purpose was to make Congress responsible for the course that he should pursue, as it alone could give him the means to "use, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the United States, and to collect the duties and imports."

66

The President does not say he will take possession of the forts, but that he will hold, occupy, and possess them. This was equivocal language, but he did not condemn the

Douglas' Defence of the Inaugural.

President for it. Beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force among the people anywhere. If it is the duty of the President to enforce the revenue laws, it is his duty to enforce the other laws. It cannot be justified that the revenue laws shall be enforced, and all other laws, which afford protection as a compensation for taxes, shall not be enforced. He thought there were two points in which they could find a solution of these doubts. The President says: "Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object." The President draws a distinction between the exterior and interior. If he has power in one case, he has power in the other. If it is his duty, in one case, to enforce the laws, it is his duty in the other. There was no provision of law which authorizes a distinction in this respect between places in the interior and on the seaboard.

This brought him to the construction of another clause, the most important of all, and the key to the entire policy. But he was rejoiced when he read it. He invited attention to it, as showing conclusively that the President is pledged to a policy which looks to a peaceful solution of our difficulties, and against all others. He says: "The course here indicated will be followed, unless the current of events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper; and in every case or exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to the circumstances usually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the Nationa! troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections." In other words, the President says, if the collection of the revenue will lead to a peaceful solution, then it will be collected. If the abandonment of that collection will have that effect, then it will be abandoned. So of the forts and arsenals in the Seceding States. He will recapture or not recapture them, and will reenforce or not reenforce Forts Sumter and Pickens; pledged in either case to a peaceful policy, and acting

with this view. If this is not the true construction, why was there not inserted a pledge to use coercion, retake the forts, recapture the arsenals, collect the revenue, and enforce the laws, unless there was attached to each one a condition on which the pledge was to be carried out? The pledge is only to do what is requisite to a peaceful solution.

He submitted whether or not the friends of peace have not much to rejoice at. The Inaugural was much more conservative than he had anticipated. It was more pacific and concilitary than he had predicted. He repeated, after a careful examination and analysis, he was clearly of the opinion that the Administration stands pledged to a peaceful solution, and will do no act that will lead to war, and make no change of policy unless necessary to preserve peace. He thought the

President had stated the cause of the troubles clearly, and indicated a remedy.

Mr. Douglas also referred quite at length to the other points of the Inaugural, taking the ground that the President's wishes were those of peace - that his only aim was a peaceful solution of the National troubles.

Clingman's Rejoinder to Douglas.

Occupy the

Clingman replied. He said that, on the main points of the address, there was no doubt, for the President said: "I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States." Can anything be more explicit than that? How does the President execute the laws in Virginia and Pennsylvania ? forts and arsenals, and collect the duties! This is what he says he will do in all the States. But the Senator from Illinois says, if the people will not give him the power, then he cannot do it. How stands the case? The President has control of fifteen thousand men, In the course of a few weeks one-half of them could be concentrated. Would he not feel bound to use the army and navy to retake Fort Moultrie? The language implies this. The President regards the taking of the forts and arsenals as insurrectionary and revolutionary; and, to make the matter more spe

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Clingman's Rejoinder

to Douglas.

CLING MAN'S REJOINDER то DOUGLAS.

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13

Clingman's Rejoinder to Douglas.

for increasing the apprehen-
sions and inflaming the pas-
sions of the South, with a
view of driving them into revolution, there
was none better calculated to produce this
result than this one to amend the Constitu-
tion, rejecting all others which were infinitely
more important to the Slaveholding States.
The Senator from Illinois, as the effect of this
language, says to the President-by coming
out for this amendment and rejecting all
others, you are inflaming the passions of the
South and increasing their apprehensions.
If so, is that a pacific policy?

Mr. Douglas interrupted to say that the President had not declared for that amendment, alone and against all others. In that case he would have proven that he was not willing to give security to the South.

Mr. Clingman, resuming, insisted that Mr. Lincoln had recognized one amendment and none other. He knew that the Crittenden amendment has attracted more attention than any other, and that some of the State Legislatures planted themselves on it as an ultimatum. When Mr. Lincoln recommends but one amendment and not others, that is significant. He has ignored every amendment likely to give peace; not only the Crittenden, but the Peace Conference propo

sess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts." It is true he says, "beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." But, what does this mean? It means that the President will not use force on obedient men. He would not do this in the District of Columbia. But he means to compel everybody to obedience. The Senator from Illinois knows very well that the States which have seceded claim the right to occupy the forts, but the President says he will compel them to pay taxes, &c. If they submit, of course there will be no bloodshed. He (Clingman) might with as much propriety say to the Senator from Illinois, "I intend to take and occupy your house, but I will use no force or violence if you submit." Now, the Seceding States regard their right to the forts as dear to them as a man to his own house, and don't agree to be turned out. He would not, however, argue these points. Every Senator could consider them as well as he could. The Senator from Illinois says the President is willing to acquiesce in the amendments to the Constitution, and in the Crittenden prop-sition; the latter got up and paraded here osition. He wished to know how long it would take for them to amend the Constitution? He believed it took several years at the commencement of this century, and did any man suppose such amendments could be made during the term of this Administration? But, here was a pressing emergency. As to the proposed amendment recently passed by Congress, would it be satisfactory to the South? The Senator from Illinois made a strong statement just before the close of Congress, while referring to the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) and the Republican party. He (Clingman) regarded it as forcible and true, for the Senator always spoke with great force and effect. That Senator, on the occasion referred to, said: "You offer to amend the Constitution by declaring that no amendment shall be made empowering Congress to interfere with Slavery in the States! If you had exhausted your ingenuity

with great pomp. None of these things is
recommended by Mr. Lincoln. Therefore he
(Clingman) said the Inaugural is liable to the
construction Mr. Douglas placed on Mr.
Seward's remarks. Suppose the Crittenden
proposition had received more than nineteen
votes. The Senator from Illinois knew it
could not have received two-thirds of the
Senate. The practical question is, Shall we
have an effort to take the forts and a collision,
and an attempt to collect the revenue, or not?
It will not do to wait two or four years for a
Convention to amend the Constitution.
the President uses the power in the way he
mentions, we must have war. If he were a
friend of the President, he would advise him
to withdraw the troops from Forts Sumter
and Pickens. The only effect of keeping
them there is to irritate the Southern States.
Will they allow this condition of things to
continue until Congress can be called togeth-

If

Wigfall Once More.

er? He thought not. The best policy was
to withdraw the troops, and leave the rest to
negotiation, and amicable adjudication.
On Thursday, Wigfall,
of Texas, once more ad-
dressed the Senate : As
Mr. Douglas had given his views of the In-
augural, it was proper that he (Wigfall)
should also make known his opinions. His
State having seceded, it was natural to sup-
pose that Wigfall would have considered his
lease of the Senate floor as expired; but, the
gentleman from Texas" concluded to stay
as long as he pleased—as much from contempt
of the United States authorities, as from a
desire to intrigue for his Southern cause.
He spake with even more than his usual
coarseness and insolence, saying:

"Waiving all questions of regularity as to the existence of their Government, they are here to enter into a treaty with the Federal Government, and the matters in controversy must be settled either by treaty or by the sword. It is easy to talk about enforcing the laws, and holding and occupying and possessing forts. When you come to this, bayonets and not words must settle the question, and he would here say that Forts Pickens and Sumter cannot be held much longer. The present Administration will soon be forced to construe the Inaugural. Forts Moultrie and Johnson, and Castle Pinckney, are in the possession of the Confederate States, but the Confederate States will not leave Fort Sumter in the possession of the Federal Government. In reply to Mr. Douglas, he (Wigfall) denied that the Union, as it was formerly, now exists legally and constitutionally. The evil is upon us; the disease is seated. A blue pill at night and a cup of coffee next morning may relieve the liver, but when the disease is on you, blistering and blood-letting are sometimes necessary-and, when the patient dies, it is necessary to have a coffin very deep, a funeral service, and things of that sort. As he said the other night, the only question is, whether there shall be a decent, quiet funeral, after the Protestant form, or an Irish wake. The Union is dead, and has to be buried. If you want a Protestant funeral, you can have it; if not, you can have an Irish wake."

experiment; and so as to

recapturing Fort Moultrie. Wigfall Once More.
If he should not remove
the troops from Fort Sumter, they will be
removed for him. The abstract of his further
remarkable remarks is:

"The adoption of the Crittenden compromise proposition might have adjusted the difficulties of the country; but it only received nineteen votes in the Senate. The Senator from Illinois (Douglas) has said that war cannot preserve the Union.' The Union, however, is dissolved. Seven Southern States have formed a Confederation, and to tell them, as the President has done, that their acts of secession are no more than pieces of blank paper, is an insult. He repeated, there is no Union left. The Seceded States will never, surely, come back. They will not now come back, under any circumstances. They will not live under this Administration. Withdraw your troops, then; make no attempt to collect tribute, and enter into a treaty of peace with those States. Do this, and you will have peace. Send your flag of thirty-four stars thither, and it will be fired into, and war will ensue. Will you divide the public property and make a fair assessment of the public debt, or will you sit stupidly and idly, doing nothing until there shall be a conflict of arms, because you cannot compromise with traitors?' Let the remaining States reform their Government, and, if it is acceptable, the Southern Confederacy will enter into a treaty of peace and amity with them. If you want peace, you shall have it; if you want war, you shall have it. The time for platforms and demagoguism has past. Treat with the Confederate States as independent, and you can have peace. Treat them as States of this Union, and you will have war. Mr. Lincoln has to remove the troops from Forts Pickens and Sumter, or they will be removed for him. He has to collect the revenue at Charleston, Savannah, and New Orleans, or it will be collected for him. If he attempts to collect the revenue, resistance will be made. It is useless to blind your eyes. No compromise or amendment to the Constitution, no arrangement you may enter into, will satisfy the South, unless you recognize slaves as property, and protect it as any other spe cies of property. These States withdrew from the Union, because their property was not protected. The Republicans have preserved an ominous silence Senator from Illinois (Douglas) was calculated to on the subject of the Inaugural. The speech of the

He proceeded to refer to the proposed collection of the revenue, and advised the President that he had better deal with the ques-produce the impression that Mr. Lincoln will do tion practically, though, after all, it really mattered but little how he treated it. If he (Lincoln) supposes the reenforcement of Fort Sumter will lead to peace, he can make the

nothing. But the 'masterly-inactivity' policy cannot prevail. Action! Action! Action!' as the great Athenian orator said, is now necessary. You cannot longer serve God and Mammon. You must

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