of his luminous and discriminating mind and of his extensive information, and rendered him the first of every assembly afterwards of which he became a member. Never wandering from his subject into vain declamation, but pursuing it closely in language pure, classical, and copious; soothing always the feelings of his adversaries by civilities, and softness of expression, he rose to the eminent station which he held in the great National Convention of 1787; and in that of Virginia, which followed, he sustained the new Constitution in all its parts, bearing off the palm against the logic of George Mason and the fervid declamation of Patrick Henry. With these consummate powers were united a pure and spotless virtue, which no calumny has ever attempted to sully. Of the power and polish of his pen, and of the wisdom of his administration in the highest office of the nation, I need say nothing. They have spoken, and will forever speak, for themselves."

Every American citizen must reflect with pride upon the fact that he can point to a series of rulers over these United States such as no other nation on earth can boast of. Let any intelligent reader glance at the catalogue of kings of England, France, Spain, -rulers who have attained the supreme power by hereditary descent, and compare them with the presidents which the elective franchise has given to this country, and even prejudice the most unbending will be compelled to admit that popular choice is far more unerring in the selection of rulers than the chances of birth. Every monarchy in Europe has had upon the throne men as worthless as earth has ever seen. America has not had a single president who has not been a man of moral and social excellence, who was not in heart a true patriot, and who did not honestly, though perhaps at times with mistaken policy, seek the promotion of the best interests of his country.

For three years Mr. Madison continued in Congress, one of its most active and influential members. In the year 1784, his term having expired, he was elected a member of the Virginia Legislature. Here he was the earnest supporter of every wise and liberal measure. He advocated the revision of the old statutes, the abrogation of entail and primogeniture, and the establishment of perfect religious freedom. His "Memorial and Remonstrance" against a general assessment for the support of religion is considered one of the ablest papers which emanated from his pen. It settled the question of the entire separation of church and state in Virginia.

He still continued, in the midst of all these responsibilities, to prosecute with much energy his legal and literary studies. It was never his wish to enter upon the practice of the law; and, in a letter to Mr. Randolph in 1785, he says, "Another of my wishes is, to depend as little as possible on the labor of slaves." The following extract from a letter of Mr. Jefferson, from Annapolis, to Mr. Madison, under date of Feb. 20, 1764, gives a pleasing picture of the friendship then and ever existing between Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe:

"I hope you have found access to my library. I beg you to make free use of it. The steward is living there now, and, of course, will always be in the way. Monroe is buying land almost adjoining me: Short will do the same. What would I not give could you fall into the circle! With such a society, I could once more venture home, and lay myself up for the residue of life, quitting all its contentions, which grow daily more and more insupportable.

"Think of it. To render it practicable, only requires you to think it so. Life is of no value but as it brings us gratifications. Among the most valuable of these is rational society. It informs the mind, sweetens the temper, cheers our spirits, and restores health. There is a little farm of one hundred and forty acres adjoining me, and within two miles, all of good land, though old, with a small, indifferent house upon it; the whole worth not more than two hundred and fifty pounds. Such a one might be a farm of experiment, and support a little table and household. Once more, think of it, and adieu."

There was a vein of pleasantry pervading the character of Mr. Madison, which ever rendered him to his friends one of the most agreeable of companions. No man felt more deeply than Mr. Madison the utter inefficiency of the old confederacy, with no national government, with no power to form treaties which would be binding or to enforce law. There was not any State more prominent than Virginia in the declaration, that an efficient national government must be formed. In January, 1786, Mr. Madison carried a resolution through the General Assembly of Virginia, inviting the other States to appoint commissioners to meet in convention at Annapolis to discuss this subject. Five States only were represented. The convention, however, issued another call, drawn up by Mr. Madison, urging all the States to send their delegates to

Philadelphia, in May, 1787, to draught a Constitution for the United States, to take the place of that Confederate League which the sagacity of John Adams had foretold must prove a failure.

The delegates met at the time appointed. Every State but Rhode Island was represented. George Washington was chosen president of the convention; and the present Constitution of the United States was then and there formed.

When Charles X. was driven from France, and Louis Philippe was invited to take the throne, Lafayette took his hand, as they stood upon a balcony of the Hôtel de Ville in Paris, while swarming thousands were gathered around, and said,

"You know that I am a republican, and that I regard the Constitution of the United States as the most perfect that has ever existed."

"I think as you do," replied Louis Philippe. "It is impossible to pass two years in the United States, as I have done, and not be of that opinion. But do you think, that, in the present state of France, a republican government can be sustained here?"

"No," said Lafayette: "that which is necessary for France is a throne, surrounded by republican institutions: all must be republican."

When we consider the speakers and the occasion, we must regard this as the highest compliment ever paid to the Constitution of the United States; and our nation owes a debt of gratitude, which can never be paid, not only to the founders of this Constitution, but also to those heroic soldiers of our land, who on the field of battle, and with their blood, have defended it when treason would have trampled it in the dust.

There was, perhaps, no mind and no pen more active in framing this immortal document than the mind and the pen of James Madison. Mr. Jefferson pays the following beautiful tribute to his character and ability:

“I have known him from 1779, when he first came into the public councils; and, after three and thirty years' trial, I can say conscientiously, that I do not know in the world a man of purer integrity, more dispassionate, disinterested, and devoted to genuine republicanism; nor could I, in the whole scope of America and Europe, point out an abler head."

There were two parties to be reconciled in forming the Constitution. The Federal party were in favor of making the Central

government strong, investing it with such powers that we should be a compact and united nation; while they still would give the State governments full authority in all local matters. The Republican party would make the State governments strong, reserving for them all rights excepting those which it was absolutely necessary to surrender to the central power at Washington. The Constitution, as formed, was a very harmonious blending of these two apparently antagonistic principles. Neither party was fully satis. fied with the results. The Federalists would have given the Central government more power: the Republicans would have given the State governments more power. And, from that time to this, that point has been prominent in the conflict of parties.

Washington and John Adams strongly inclined to the Federal side; Jefferson, to the Republican side. "Mr. Madison," writes George Washington, "thinks an individual independence of the States utterly irreconcilable with their aggregate sovereignty, and that a consolidation of the whole into one simple republic would be as inexpedient as it is unattainable. He therefore proposes a middle ground, which may at once support a due supremacy of the national authority, and not exclude the local authorities whenever they can be subordinately useful.”

During the discussion of these great questions, the views of the Federal party were urged in a series of letters, which then attained the celebrity which they have ever since held. These letters were signed The Federalist. Gen. Hamilton was the principal writer, though several papers were furnished by Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay.

Some were in favor of electing the president and the members of the Senate for life, or during good behavior, as with our judges. Others wished that the president might be re-elected every four years, like a Polish king; and that he might thus, should the people choose, by continual re-elections, become a life-long ruler. Others urged that he should serve but one term, and be forever after ineligible. It has became a matter of custom only, that no president shall continue in office more than two terms. In the convention, Mr. Madison and Gen. Washington almost invariably coincided in opinion. At length the Constitution was formed, and was adopted by a vote of eighty-nine to seventy-nine. It was then to be presented to the several States for acceptance. Very great solicitude was felt. Should it be rejected, we should be left but a

conglomeration of independent States, with but little power at home, and little respect abroad. Mr. Madison was selected by the convention to draw up an address to the people of the United States, expounding the principles of the Constitution, and urging its adoption.

In every State, there was a battle between the friends and the foes of the new Constitution; but at length it triumphed over all opposition, and went into effect in 1789. In Virginia, it encountered very formidable hostility; but Mr. Madison's brilliant statesmanship and persuasive powers secured its unconditional ratification, notwithstanding it was opposed by the brilliant rhetoric of Patrick Henry and the stern logic of George Mason. He was soon after elected a member of the House of Representatives in the First Congress, which then met in the old City Hall in New York, at the corner of Wall and Nassau Streets. Here he found himself drifting to the side of the Republican party in nearly all its measures; and yet so courteous was he in his manners, so conciliatory in tone, and so undeniably conscientious in his convictions, that he retained the affection and confidence of his former friends.

Upon Mr. Jefferson's return from France, President Washington earnestly solicited Mr. Madison to accept that mission; but he firmly declined the appointment, and also the office of Secretary of State, which was urged upon him. He had gradually become so identified with the Republican party in his principles, that he felt that he could not harmoniously co-operate with the majority of Washington's cabinet. In 1792, Mr. Madison was the avowed leader of the Republican party in Congress. He sympathized with Mr. Jefferson in his foreign policy, gratefully cherishing the remembrance of French intervention in our behalf, and advocating with all his powers of voice and pen a retaliatory policy towards the conduct of Great Britain.

When President Washington was about to retire from his second term of office in 1797, it was the wish of many that Mr. Madison should be the candidate of the Republican party. Mr. Jefferson wrote,

"There is not another person in the United States, with whom, being placed at the helm of our affairs, my mind would be so completely at rest for the fortune of our political bark."

But Mr. Madison would not consent. His term in Congress had now expired, and he returned from New York to his beautiful