have arisen and taken possession of the world, and then nurtured within themselves some element of suicide and self-destruction that has destroyed them and passed on the torch to other hands.

If at the end of 1900 years of Christian teaching, all we can do with all the master knowledge of the world is to engage in wholesale human slaughter, why then progress belongs to some one else some other simpler folk.

Poison gas-one of the discoveries of the last war-will be the real stuff in the next. This was invented by a man named Lewis. We have got Lewisite now. The spread of it in proportion to the volume released will be fifty-five times greater than any gas used in the last war. This gas steals upon you in the air without warning and brings the message of instant death. It is a little heavier than air, and slowly sinks as it is released and will seek out the remotest crack and there bring its message of instant death. Three drops of it on the flesh brings instantaneous death. It does not only poison men, women and children, but the very surface of the earth-that ancient mother that has fed us through the ages. When Lewisite gas rests on the earth for two hours, germination is dead for two years, and how much longer we do not know.

The aeroplane, the submarine, with its message of deathchild's play in the last war-will be real stuff in the next. We can see fleets of aeroplanes, dropping bombs containing 4,000 pounds of poison gas. They can drop the bombs and bring the fleets back by wireless. We can make Chicago, Atlanta, San Francisco, New York, Petrograd, Berlin, London, the Sahara Desert in twenty-four hours. What about it? Is there no escape from the universal suicide of mankind? I am not a pacifist. There is not a drop of pacifist blood in my body. In the trenches of the Ukraine and on the line in Russia, I stood during the Bolshevik Revolution ready to do my bit, and always expect to be, but some of us had to do some thinking during the world war.

I was a follower of Roosevelt. He was not a very good pacifist. I was on the Progressive ship when she left the harbor; I was on her when she went down. I would rather follow any of the principles of Theodore Roosevelt dead than most other politicians alive this morning.

For twenty odd years I have been engaged in uplift, in fighting economic, political and other battles. I thank God for both friends and enemies. Twenty-five years ago with these two hands I cleaned gold, but have never robbed nor bribed anybody. I have been interested in the poor, I helped with the first milk station and the first municipal lodging house in the West. I have been interested in Child Labor, taking the children out of the mills, mines and factories and putting them in the schools; I have been interested in limiting hours of women laborers in the sweatshops of the nation. Then I woke up to find that certain persons called diplomats, sitting in Europe, can step out on the front porch and call the turn by which great peaceful populations leave their firesides and their homes, leave their factories and mills and fields and engage in wholesale slaughter of people they had never heard of and against whom they had no substantial grievance before the war. I find ten million of the best youth of the progressive Christian nations of the world. slaughtered.

I have been interested in savings-helped to establish penny banks years ago among the poor. The savings and the thrift of America are part of the economic future of America. And then I find the diplomats spending three hundred and thirty billions in ruthless destruction of life and property.

I have been interested in the good will of the nations of the world and studied enough to believe that St. Paul knew what he was talking about when he said we were of one blood, the nations of the earth. I have tried to bring out of the thirty-two nationalities in Chicago an understanding American spirit, believing that in all nations and all races there was equality and character that could serve the growing good of the world. Then I find the war releasing the propagandas of hatred until even decent Christian women thought they were doing fine when they repeated the lying atrocities of propaganda on one side or the other. I find whole Chistian humanity betrayed.

But, knowing now as I know, and would to God, that you do, that until you build an international conscience in the world, until you control the forces that make for war, until you stay by some instrumentality that may save the world from war, there is no other job worth a real person's use or time. Do your

day's work-we have to live until sunset. The day's work has to be done, but in the leisure time, until the problem of war is in some measure met, there is nothing else that to some of us will stand out.

Some things we know. One of them is this, increasing armaments breed war.

The war system paralyzed production. I am not talking about the world of economic surplus of 1914; I am talking about 1922. There is only so much fluid capital and credit in this old world and if you use it for the manufacture of the engines and machinery of human slaughter, then you cannot use it for homes and food and clothes, that is all.

The cry has been throughout the nation for the last year that the world needs production, and what did you say, and what did you see at the same time? Four million idle in the richest and least troubled land of the world. Your machinery idle, your workshops idle, cotton mills almost valueless, while millions shivered in Colorado, North Dakota and Nebraska, farmers burning corn while millions starved for bread. What about it after all?

You can go on with your reduction of the wages of laborI have not had to worry about my daily bread for quite a whilebut, twenty-six years ago I was working twelve hours a day, seven days of the week for $1.00, in the coal mines of the old South, and I know what it means. And may I say to you, when you cut the wages of labor, you cut the purchasing power of your community. You cut the fluid capital of your most competent buying power when you cut the best and just rewards of industry in terms of profit. You cut the inducement to production and the resources out of which new production comes. You can cut wages to the bone; you can cut profits to the last penny, and if you leave the cost of government where it is today, leaving the overhead cost upon production what it is, the people cannot consume what you manufacture, and you have got the burden of that crisis in the land and you can only attack the issue when you attack the war spirit and the war system of armaments. $92.00 out of every $100.00 of the billions of taxation in the year 1920 were spent for the cost of past and future wars. Get that, will you-$92 out of every $100 of the billions of taxation in

the year 1920 spent to pay the cost of past and future wars. $84.00 out of every $100.00 of the billions of taxation in the year 1921 spent to pay the cost of past and future wars. It is the only place you can really attack the burden of taxation-increasing armaments and the war system brought revolution.

You are tremendously concerned about America and the stamping out of Bolshevism. It was my duty, on the order of the government, to study Bolshevism. I was on the average of three times a week for six months with Trotzky and Lenine. I know both of them. I can go back through the most of those days and see the Kremlin, that wonderful spot, that great queenly palace of the Russian land. Inside that wall three hundred years of story are written. There is a great cathedral, where for three hundred years the great Catholic worship had gone on unbroken-the first place of the Romanoffs; there is the great museum, where they have the trophies of the Muscovite captains of history down to the cannons taken from Napoleon on the retreat from Moscow. I can see in the Czar's special room -and the only person there-Lenine, sitting in the Czar's chair. And the master of the Russian state looks out across the flames and says: "There will be revolution in all the capitalist lands within ten years after the end of the war, and it does not matter who wins." I said: "Commissioner, do you expect that to come out of the force and propaganda of Russia?" He replied that every revolution had to build its own expression and life. He saw me smile and said: "Why do you smile?" I said: "Because I know my America, and there are no forces of consequence that will make for revolution in my land." He said: "You are thinking of America before the war. Colonel Robins when the war is over, and at the end of three years, the Allies will hate each other as much as they hate the enemy. There will be a period of unemployment and discouragement in all lands, capitalism seeking new means to keep the burden upon production, so that the masses cannot consume what is produced, cold, hunger, and discouragement, and the smouldering embers of discontent will flame into revolution." Now I find certain people in my great, free, Christian America, working over-time arresting the helpless foreigner, suppressing free speech, stamping out Bolshevism, when they are really stamping it in, by a

policy of taxation and armament that plays the game that Lenine expected them to play.

The Limitation of Armaments Conference in Washington, however, was one exception. Every man, woman and child in this country owes a debt of gratitude for the calling of the conference, for the address made in opening it, for the address made by the chairman, for the address made in concluding it; to Charles Evans Hughes and Warren G. Harding.

There was one thing we wanted done that was not done. We wanted a resolution outlawing war. We wanted a resolution declaring war a crime. We wanted a resolution asking a conference to set up an International Court that should adjudicate cases between nations. For six thousand years, between individuals and collectively, there has been just two methods to bring disputes to settlement-one is law, the other is force and violence. And the war system of society provides only for force and violence. Arbitration of the questions of justice and right between the nations of the world-has there not been death. and suffering enough, misery enough amongst the human race.

We want a resolution, we want votes, we want letters, and may I say this: the average politician will do anything in God's world to hold his job, you can count on that like death and taxes. And I am not speaking against the politician either, for if we were in their shoes we would do the same thing. It is a sort of law of survival of the craft.

Never before in the history of the human race did women exercise a power upon government that the women of the United States exercise this morning. You are more responsible for the Limitations of Armaments Conference and for its success than any other one force under the flag. When that first resolution by Borah was introduced as a rider on the Naval Appropriation Bill in December, 1920, it was laughed at in the high places of this country, and some of us said: "Go to it." I began making a speech sixteen to eighteen months ago, the one I am trying to make now. Who do you suppose answered first? The women of America, the Women's Clubs, Missionary Societies, Voters Leagues, and behind them was the vote for the first time in history, and I sometimes think that in the Providence of God, in this great hour of the nation's need, and that of the world,