"The undersigned, in acquitting himself of the orders of the King, has the honor to bring at the same time to the knowledge of Mr. Murphy that, already in the month of December last, the envoy of the King at Washington had recommended to the Dutch consuls in the United States to abstain from all intervention in the political affairs of the country within their jurisdiction, and that this requirement has been approved by the government of the Netherlands."

If the note required an answer at this time, it certainly should have received something more to the point than this paragraph. I apprehend, however, that this government will say nothing in regard to the recognition of the independence of the seceding States until the great powers of Europe have taken their ground, and that it will follow them if they be in accord. I have also the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch No. 39, with the gold medal for Captain Van Albuy, of the Dutch bark Hendrica. I have, in accordance with your direction, transmitted the medal to the minister of foreign affairs, with a request that it be presented to Captain Van Albuy in the name of the President.

The undersigned, minister for foreign affairs, has had the honor to receive the note which Mr. Murphy, minister resident of the United States of America, has pleased to address to him on the subject of the existing complications of political affairs in the United States; the said note being accompanied, for the better understanding of the views of his government, by the address delivered by his excellency the President on assuming the administration of the federal Union.

In calling, by his note, the attention of the undersigned to the exposition contained in the address of the wrongs alleged by some States of the Union, of their proceedings to attempt a separation, and the formation of a separated provisional government, as well as on the line of conduct which the federal government proposes to follow for the purpose of preserving peace and upholding the Union, Mr. Murphy further remarks, in explaining this part of the President's address, upon the character of the secessional movement, that the government of the United States is not merely a confederation but a Union, invested by the people of the different States with powers, exclusive and controllng throughout the republic-powers which, embracing the foreign relations and numerous details of domestic interest, operate over all the States and over their citizens collectively, so that, adds the note, any attempt of any State, of a number of States, or of any part of a State, to interrupt the exercise of the powers confided to the general government is revolutionary; and any exercise, pretended or real on their part, of like powers, is usurpation.

After having enunciated these principles as the basis of the general gov ernment, and pointed out the mode established for the election of President, the minister resident enters into some details about the recent election of the actual President; the result is, that on former elections the will of the

majority has been loyally submitted to, but that this example has not been followed by the minority in respect to Mr. Lincoln, whose election, furthermore, is in nowise contested in regard of its constitutional validity. This fact the said note attributes to apprehensions entertained in the slave States that a blow might be aimed at this portion of their property-apprehensions which nothing in the intentions of the general government justify, but which have prepared the way upon which those States have rushed.

Nevertheless and despite the fears excited among a noticeable portion of the American people, notwithstanding the attempt made to form an independent government, the government of the United States is persuaded, according to the note, that the great majority of the people in the separatist States will constantly preserve its regard for the Union of their fathers, their memory, their influence, and their greatness. But, independently of this fact, the mischiefs and disadvantages which a permanent dismemberment of the Union would draw, as well upon the separating States as upon the country generally, justifies the expectation that upon a calm review of the circumstances they will come back upon a better track.

The President, flattering himself that he will see the harmony and unity of the government soon established, and relying on the friendship and good understanding existing between the two countries, expresses through the channel of Mr. Murphy his confidence that his Majesty the King of the Netherlands will not lend himself to applications for interference in the domestic affairs of the United States, unless in an amicable and conciliatory sense, nor to any encouragement whatever of the disaffected, which would only counteract the efforts of the President to bring about a reconciliation. Finally, Mr. Murphy wishes to give assurance that the President will strongly endeavor to lessen as much as possible the inconveniences which must result to commerce from the actual condition of things, and that he proposes to indemnify the injury which the subjects of his Majesty may suffer as far as may depend upon him.

The undersigned having placed the above-mentioned note before the King, his Majesty was particularly grieved by its contents. He has charged me to signify this to the minister resident, adding that if he deeply deplores the situation in which the United States are for the moment placed, nevertheless he has been happy to witness the confidence which the government expresses of being able to surmount existing difficulties; that he entertains the most sincere wishes for the success of the efforts which will be made for the purpose of saving and preserving not only the interests of the States of the Union, but also the interests of the political and commercial world in general.

The undersigned, in acquitting himself of these orders by these presents, has the honor at the same time to bring to Mr. Murphy's knowledge that, so long ago as the month of December, the King's envoy at Washington directed the consuls of the Netherlands in the United States to abstain from any interference whatever in political affairs in the districts of the consular offices, and that this prescription was approved afterwards by the government of the Netherlands.

The undersigned seizes this occasion to reiterate to Mr. Murphy the assu rances of his high consideration.

DE ZUYLEN DE NIJEVELT.

No. 56.]

Mr. Murphy to Mr. Seward.

THE HAGUE, May 27, 1861.

SIR: I have the honor to inform you that no communication has as yet been made to this government on behalf of the seceding States; nor, as far as I can learn, has any attempt been made by private persons to fit out vessels to attack our commerce. I have received a letter from an officer of the Dutch cavalry, tendering his services to the United States, but I have declined to forward the same to my government, assuring him that the people of the United States would dispose of the question themselves. On the other hand, it is not to be disguised that public sentiment here is much more favorable to the seceding States than it has been. The message of Mr. Davis, recently delivered to the congress of those States, has been extensively published here, in substance, not at full length, and has had much influence on the question from the specious ground of the Union being a mere confederation of independent States. Besides, Holland, or the Netherlands, has had a bitter lesson of experience under similar circumstances. The rebellion of Belgium, in 1830, was resisted with all the power of this government, which would probably have succeeded in crushing it if England. and France had not interfered, and the immense public debt with which this country is oppressed was then mostly incurred, while Belgium was, notwithstanding, lost. Reasoning from this point of view, there are not a few who regard the present position of the United States an expensive and useless effort. I state these circumstances for your information.

The affairs of this country are in a prosperous condition. The great calamities by inundation both here at home and also in Java have shown that there is abundant resources to meet such misfortunes. They have called forth and received liberal contributions from private persons, without requiring any aid from the government. Political matters are quiet. The first chamber of the states general is now in session, and is engaged in considering the bills adopted by the other body, the most important of which are those relating to the budget and the reorganization of the judiciary. I have the honor, sir, to be yours respectfully,

SIR: I hasten to inform you that his Majesty the King of Holland received me to-day in private audience, agreeably to the prescribed ceremonial, and that I delivered to him in person my credentials as minister resident of the United States at this court.

I arrived here on the first day of the present month and have waited till now for my audience. In my interview with his Majesty I took occasion to express the earnest desire of the President to maintain and cultivate those friendly relations that have so long and so happily subsisted between the United States and Holland, and especially with his Majesty's government.

I further observed that it would be my cherished aim, as it would be my most pleasing duty, in the discharge of my official duties, to foster and promote the good understanding now existing between the two countries. The King received me graciously, and promptly came forward to receive my credentials, and at once entered upon some friendly inquiries as to whether I had been in the country before or had been elsewhere in the diplomatic service. I replied that our American diplomatists generally were not educated after the European method, and that we labored under some disadvantage in consequence. His Majesty remarked that he had had the pleasure to meet Mr. Buchanan in Holland after he had served in Russia and in England. After some further brief conversation, in which the King expressed his pleasure at making my acquaintance, the audience terminated. I found, on my arrival here, your despatch, No. 2, of the date of the 10th of May, covering a circular of the 6th of that month, in relation to agents of insurrectionary assemblages sent to Europe on errands hostile to the peace of the United States; also a copy of a despatch of the 24th of April, addressed to the several ministers of the United States accredited to the maritime powers whose plenipotentiaries composed the congress at Paris the 16th of April, 1856, calling their attention to the importance of endeavoring to negotiate with those powers conventions upon the subject of the rights of belligerents and neutrals in time of war; also the draft of a convention in reference to the subject therein discussed, with a full power and instructions to execute the same with the government of the Netherlands. I shall lose no time in communicating with the Dutch government upon the subject. Meantime I will observe that in an informal conversation with the minister of foreign affairs, since my arrival, I learned from him that Holland was the first power, not present at the convention referred to, to acquiesce in the propositions there laid down.

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I cannot learn that any agent or agents of the seceding States have appeared in Holland for any purpose connected with their revolutionary or warlike plans, and from what I see and hear I conclude that no countenance would be given to them if they should.

The death of Count Cavour, the news of which reached here the morning of his decease, has created a profound sensation in diplomatic circles and is deeply deplored by the friends of Italy as an irreparable loss to that country. I beg to add that I have found my predecessor, Mr. Murphy, unceasing in his endeavors to facilitate my labors here, and it gives me unfeigned pleasure to bear this testimony in his behalf, and to the highly honorable position which I believe him to hold among his colleagues.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant,

SIR: I have taken the earliest opportunity to have an interview with the minister of foreign affairs upon the condition of the internal concerns of the United States, and also upon the subject matter of your despatch No. 2, to which I referred in my last.

I assured him of the determined purpose of the United States government to put down the rebellion of the seceding States at all hazards, and stated its determination to adopt whatever measures-are necessary to accomplish that object. I explained to him the character of the rebellion, and showed it to be merely a war in behalf of African slavery, and that if we had no slavery we should have no war and no rebellion. I further explained that the government possessed extraordinary means of ending the rebellion whenever it chose to employ them. The union of the States could be restored whenever the government saw fit to render the institutions of the several States homogeneous. For when they were once made free States there would be no wish to separate and no tendency to separation. But I observed that the government was desirous to adopt only moderate measures, and hoped that such measures would be sufficient to cause the leaders of the rebellion to succumb and to restore peace. But to accomplish the high object of maintaining the government and preserving the territory of the country from dismemberment, it was ready to make any sacrifice of mere material interests that necessity demanded. I showed that the government had abundant resources, and more men offering for the military service than it could employ.

The minister of foreign affairs, in reply to my inquiries, informed me that no agent or agents of the seceding States had appeared here, though he had heard they were in London. He said they would receive no countenance if they were to come. He observed that the Dutch government had considered the question of the proposed letters of marque to be issued by the seceding States, and were upon the point of issuing a proclamation and orders forbidding the use of their ports by privateers, a copy of which he said he would furnish me as soon as issued.

He expressed the opinion that the powers of Europe were unanimously in favor of the Paris declaration abolishing privateering, and said if the United States would concur in it, that privateers would have to be regarded as "sea-robbers." He believed there would be no opposition to negotiating treaties, based on the propositions of the Paris conference, with all the European powers which had agreed to them, of which Holland was one.

The minister seemed to be aware of the causeless character of the rebellion in the seceding States, and of the ability of the government to deal with it, concurring in the opinion that we had more men than were needed. He informed me that his government had ordered four ships-of-war to be in readiness to sail for America to look after its commercial interests there, and that the first ship would be despatched on the 15th instant, and that the others would speedily follow. I subsequently learned from the minister of marine that the fleet would consist of two frigates and two brigs-of-war, and that after the flag-ship had communicated with the Dutch minister at Washington, the fleet would rendezvous at Curacoa, and spend the winter in the West India seas.

I forebore to press the question of the immediate negotiation of a treaty in reference to privateering. Having satisfied myself of the favorable disposition of the government in respect to the question, and having learned its intention to issue the proclamation and orders referred to, and intimated with sufficient distinctness the ground the United States government was now disposed to occupy on that subject, I thought it prudent to await further developments of the question by our ministers at the courts of France and England, whose example Holland would be sure to wait for. I did not deem