got to tend office to-day. I'm off for Springfield, the next train, to get material for a campaign-life editorial.”

The doctor yielded, as usual. The young editor went to Springfield and returned with his material. The article was written, and early in May it was printed. Hundreds of copies were industriously sent out, all over the State, to be quoted, commented upon, approved, and ridiculed, and the work of nominating a President, so far as Illinois was concerned, had been well begun before the nominee had been spoken to upon the subject. At the same time, a letter from the same hand, and to the same general effect, was printed in a journal published in the city of New York, but of course without attracting especial attention there.

The fact here related is a full refutation of the baseless assertion that Mr. Lincoln had anything whatever to do with the inception of what was strictly a popular movement. But the discussion and comments of people and press of course attracted the attention of those most interested, and from that time forth, naturally, both Mr. Lincoln and his friends watched closely and discussed freely all indications of the drift of public opinion with reference to the coming choice. Echoes came speedily, from every direction, repeating the enthusiastic outburst of the Champaign County editor. It looked as if some kind of a tide might be rising; but it was too early yet for reasonable calculation. There were many other distinguished names continually upon the lips of men. Hardly a State failed of putting forward one or more of its respected names in connection with the honorable competition. Plainly, a vast amount of careful work was before the party, in the nature of judicious sorting and sifting. Ordinarily, early "mention" is sure death to nomination; but it was well for Mr. Lincoln that his candidacy began at so early a day, for even his enemies and the crisis itself worked steadily in his behalf.

CHAPTER XXIV. ?

THE RISING TIDE.

National Fame-The Cooper Institute Speech-Sectionalism-Illinois State Convention at Decatur-The Rail-splitter-The Republican National Convention at Chicago-The Presidential Nomination-1859.

ALL Over the country, and in every part of every section, popular preparations for the Presidential campaign of 1860 began earlier than usual. Men of all parties perceived, more or less clearly, that an unprecedented crisis was at hand in public affairs.

Mr. Lincoln began to receive letters from various persons who inquired as to his views of different questions. These were not all sent him with a friendly purpose, but his replies were at once frank and judicious. During the autumn of the year 1859 he made a number of political speeches in Ohio, and early in the winter he did the same in Kansas. Everywhere he gave renewed evidences of the ripening of his powers as a statesman and orator. His fame was growing so fast that even his best friends were compelled to recognize it. At last, a self-appointed committee of them arranged a conference with him, in a room of the State House at Springfield, to urge upon him the propriety of formally permitting the use of his name as a Presidential candidate. He heard them. He took one night to consider the matter, and the next day gave his consent. His demeanor throughout the conference was quiet, modest, thoughtful, and he expressed strong doubt of success in obtaining the nomination.

Meantime an unintended movement in his favor was made by men who had no thought of him as a rival of their own pre

ferred candidates. In October he had received an invitation to deliver a lecture at the Cooper Institute, in New York City. After consulting with Mr. Herndon, he consented, on condition that he should be permitted to speak upon political questions, setting a day in the following February. This was readily agreed to, and he at once set himself diligently to the work of preparation.

The people of the United States were wonderfully "sectional" in the year 1859. The North knew little of the South, and the South knew almost nothing of the North. The West was the very symbol of vagueness and uncertainty to the people of the East. The people of the West, other than immigrants from the seaboard States, did but dimly bear in mind their relations to the older settlements between their homes and the Atlantic.

There were therefore few men in Illinois who could comprehend the significance of the invitation to Mr. Lincoln to speak in New York, or see how high, how very rare a compliment was thereby offered him. The great East teemed with eloquent men,-lawyers, scholars, statesmen, theologians,-and yet its chief city asked to hear a man who as yet had won no tangible eminence in either of these characters. Except as a local celebrity, made such in recent political campaigns, it was supposed that he had never been heard of. This was in a measure true, for he had been felt rather than heard, and all the more did men desire to see and hear him.

No previous effort of his life cost him so much hard work as did that Cooper Institute speech. When finished, it was a masterly review of the history of the slavery question from the foundation of the government, with a clear, bold, statesmanlike presentation of the then present attitude of parties and of sections. It exhibited a careful research, a thorough knowledge and understanding of political movements and developments, that staggered even the most laborious and painstaking students. It showed a grasp, a breadth, a mental training, and

a depth of penetration which compelled the admiration of critical scholars. Those who heard and those who afterwards read it in print alike filed it away as an historical document. Those who listened to its delivery acknowledged with one voice that the country possessed and had now discovered one more great man and great orator.

Nothing like this had been at all expected, although enough was already known of Mr. Lincoln to call together in Cooper Institute an audience which astonished him. The great hall was crowded with the best citizens of New York. The members of that throng had all of them listened to many celebrated speakers and to what they deemed great speeches. They were cultivated, intelligent, critical, but they were willing to be amused, or even interested, by a first-class specimen of Western "stump oratory." They knew sufficiently well that the tall, ungainly, awkward man in black who arose upon the platform to be introduced by William Cullen Bryant had had no educational advantages. He was a coarse fellow, of low origin, who had never been to college or moved in polished society. He had not so much as distinguished himself as a soldier, officeholder, editor, nor had he ever written a book. It was said of him that he told funny stories well, and that he had a strange faculty for holding the attention of a Western gathering of rude, illiterate people.

Very vague indeed were the notions and expectations of the multitude when the speaker began, but it was not long before an unlooked-for light began to dawn upon them. Slowly the minds of all took in the idea that this was an address, not to them only, but to the entire American people.

Mr. Lincoln had toilfully prepared, and was now uttering, a declaration of the causes, principles, and purposes which underlay the existence and action, past, present, and to come, of the Republican party. He had also fallen but little short of combining a political platform with an "Inaugural Address." The effect may be well expressed in the words with which

the next day's issue of the New York Tribune, February 28, 1860, prefaced its report of the speech: "No man ever before made such an impression on his first appeal to a New York audience."

Neither has any other man since then approached it, for that speech stands alone in the oratorical annals of the great city. Mr. Lincoln's further errand in the East had been to visit his son Robert, then a student at Harvard; but invitations to speak at other points poured in upon him, and he had no thought of refusing. Everywhere, as he went, he took the minds of men and women captive, and left behind him an impression which could not pass away. Everywhere, also, he was himself taking careful notes of men and things and perfecting his knowledge of the people and the country he was so soon to rule. He returned to his home a man better and more widely known than nine out of every ten who sit out a long term in the United States Senate, or than ninety-nine out of every hundred who are elected governors of States.

The Republican National Convention had been called to meet at Chicago on the 16th of May, 1860, and the Republican State Convention of Illinois was held at Decatur on the 9th and 10th of the same month. The friends of Mr. Lincoln resolved that the one should prepare their candidate for the other. They did not reveal their plans to him, but they laid them well and they carried them out to perfection.

When the State Convention assembled for business, an enormous crowd of delegates and other citizens packed the large temporary structure erected for the occasion, but Mr. Lincoln was not upon the platform.

Governor Oglesby arose and said:

"I am informed that a distinguished citizen of Illinois, and one whom Illinois will ever be delighted to honor, is present; and I wish to move that this body invite him to a seat upon the stand." He paused a moment, and then he added, in a loud, clear voice: