this emphatic recall of words of peace just uttered, and fresh blasts of war to the bitter end, we leave for the speculation of those who have the means or inclination to penetrate the mysteries of his Cabinet, or fathom the caprice of his imperial will. It is enough for us to say that we have no use whatever for the paper which has been placed in our hands. We could not transmit it to the President of the Confeder ate States without offering him an indignity, dishonoring ourselves, and incurring the wellmerited scorn of our countrymen. While an ardent desire for peace pervades the people of the Confederate States, we rejoice to believe that there are few, if any, among them who would purchase it at the expense of liberty, honor, and self-respect. If it can be secured only by their submission to terms of conquest, the generation is yet unborn which will witness its restoration. If there be any military autocrat in the North who is entitled to proffer the conditions of this manifesto, there is none in the South authorized to entertain them. Those who control our armies are the servants of the people, not their masters; and they have no more inclination than they have right to subvert the social institutions of sovereign States to overthrow their established Constitution, and to barter away their heritage of self-government.

to the North and to the South, exacting no con- the views of the President; of this rude withdition but that we should be duly accredited drawal of a courteous overture for negotiation from Richmond as bearers of propositions look-at the moment it was likely to be accepted; of ing to the establishment of peace, thus proffering a basis for conference as comprehensive as we could desire. It seemed to us that the President opened a door which had previously been closed against the Confederate States, for a full interchange of sentiments, free discussion of conflicting opinions, and an untrammelled effort to remove all causes of controversy by liberal negotiation. We, indeed, could not claim the benefit of a safe-conduct which had been extended to us in a character we had no right to assume, and had never affected to possess, but the uniform declaration of our Executive and Congress, and their thrice-repeated, and as often repulsed attempts to open negotiations,furnished a sufficient pledge that this conciliatory manifestation on the part of the President of the United States would be met by them in a temper of equal magnanimity. We had, therefore, no hesitation in declaring that if this correspondence was communicated to the President of the Confederate States, he would promptly embrace the opportunity presented for seeking a peaceful solution of this unhappy strife. We feel confident you will join in our profound regret that the spirit which dictated the first step toward peace should not have continued to animate the councils of your President. Had the representatives of the two governments met to consider this question, the most momentous ever submitted to human statesmanship, in a temper of becoming moderation and equity, followed as their deliberations have been by the prayers and benedictions of every patriot and Christian on the habitable globe. Who is there so bold as to pronounce that the frightful waste of individual happiness and public prosperity which is daily saddening the universal heart, might not have been terminated; or if the desolation and carnage of war must still be endured through weary years of blood and suffering, that there might not at least have been infused into its conduct something more of the spirit which softens and partially redeems its brutalities. Instead of the safe-conduct which we solicited, and which your first letter gave us every reason to suppose would be extended, for the purpose of instituting negotiations in which neither government would compromise its rights or its dignity, a document has been presented which provokes as much indignation as surprise. It bears no feature of resemblance to. that which was originally offered; as unlike any paper which ever before emanated from the constitutional Executive of a free people. Addressed to whom it may concern, it precludes negotiations, and prescribes in advance terms and conditions of peace. It returns to the original policy of no bargaining, no negotiations, no truce with rebels, until every man shall have laid down his arms, submitted to the Government, and sued for mercy. What may be the explanation of this sudden and entire change in

This correspondence will not, however, we trust, prove wholly barren of good results. If there is any citizen of the Confederate States who has clung to the hope that peace was possible with this Administration of the Federal Government, it will strip from their eyes the last film of such delusion; or if there be any whose heart has grown faint under the suffering and agony of this bloody struggle, it will inspire them with fresh energy to endure and brave whatever may yet be requisite to preserve to themselves and their children all that gives dignity and value to life, or hope and consolation to death; and if there are any patriots or Christians in your land who shrink appalled from the illimitable vista of private misery and public calamity which stretches before them, we pray that in their bosoms a resolution may be quickened to reclaim the abused authority and vindicate the outraged civilization of their country. For the solicitude you have manifested to inaugurate a movement which contemplates results the most noble and humane, we return our sincere thanks, and are most respect fully and truly, your obedient servants,

C. C. CLAY, JR.,
JAS. P. HOLCOMB.

CLIFTON HOUSE, July 20.

Col. W. C. Jewett, Cataract House, Niagara Falls,
New York:

SIR: We are in receipt of your note advising us of the departure of Honorable Horace Greeley from the Falls; that he regrets the sad termina

tion of the initiatory steps taken for peace, in Jacques and one Edmund Kirke? What are the consequence of the change made by the Presi- detectives about? Here have been two spies, dent in his instructions to convey the Commis-manifestly spies, "at the Spottswood Hotel, sioners to Washington, for negotiation uncondi- Richmond, on a secret mission," and now, intionally, and that Mr. Greeley will be pleased to stead of being in Castle Thunder, Kirke and the receive any answer we may have to make Reverend Colonel are again in their own country, through you. We avail ourselves of this offer giving mysterious hints to the Washington to enclose a letter to Mr. Greeley, which you correspondents about their three days' enterwill oblige us by delivering. We cannot take tainment in Richmond, and about two "interleave of you without expressing our thanks for views" which they say they had with Mr. your courtesy and kind offices, as the inter- Davis. They cannot disclose "for the present" mediary through whom our correspondence with Mr. Greeley has been conducted, and assuring you that we are very respectfully, your obedient servants,

from Dixie, via Bermuda on important business; and all of these but Mr. Thompson (who is in Toronto), were soon quartered at the Clifton, on the Canada side of Niagara Falls. I heard soon after of confidential interviews between some or all of these gentlemen and leading democrats from our own and the neighboring States, and there were telegraphic whispers of overtures for "reconstruction," and conditions were set forth as those on which the Confederates would consent to reunion. (I cannot say that any of these reports were authentic.) At length, after several less direct intimations, I received a private letter from Mr. Saunders, stating that Messrs. Clay, Holcombe, himself, and another, desired to visit Washington, " upon complete and unqualified protection being given by the President or the Secretary of War."

of further or

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

I left the Falls by the next train, leaving Major Hay to receive any response to the President's proffer, should any be made; but there was none. Messrs. Clay and Holcombe addressAs I saw no reason why the oppositioned to me a letter of sharp criticism on the should be the sole recipients of these gentle- President's proffer above quoted, which I first men's overtures, if such there were (and it is read in the columns of the daily journals of this stated that Mr. Clay aforesaid is preparing or to city. And here the matter closed, despite all prepare an important letter to the Chicago Con- rumors other negotiations. vention), I wrote the President, urging him to Messrs. Clay, Holcombe and Saunders remain at invite the rebel gentlemen aforesaid to Wash- the Falls, or at the adjacent watering place of ington, there to open their budget. I stated St. Catherine's, and are still in the receipt of expressly that I knew not what they would many visits from democratic politicians, who propose if so invited, but I could imagine no cross the border on purpose. offer that might be made by them which would not conduce, in one way or another, to a restoration of the integrity and just authority of the

Union.

The President ultimately acquiesced in this view, so far as to consent that the rebel agents should visit Washington, but directed that I should proceed to Niagara and accompany them thence to the capital. This service I most reluctantly undertook, feeling deeply and observing that almost any one else might better have been sent on this errand. But time seemed precious, and I immediately started.

I heartily approve the President's bases of negotiation, and think them calculated to exert a salutary influence at the South; and yet I think it would have been wiser to have interposed no conditions, but asked the Confederates to perfect and verify their credentials, and then make their proposition. For, thus brought to book, what could they have proffered that would not have strengthened the upholders of the Union cause? It looks to me as though a rare opportunity was lost for compelling either the democracy of the loyal States or the despots of Europe to forego further manifestations of sympathy with the rebels in their desperate struggle. I may be mistaken in this, but I cannot be in my conviction that every indication of a desire on our part to arrest bloodshed and restore amity tends to disabuse and conciliate the great perverted mass of those now fighting to divide and destroy their and our country.

Doc. 93.

THE BURNING OF CHAMBERSBURG.

Arrived on this side of the Falls, I wrote across to Messrs. Clay & Co., stating that, on the understanding that they had the needful powers from the authorities at Richmond, I was authorized and ready to give them a safe conduct to Washington. They responded that though in the confidential employment of their government, and fully conversant with its views and purposes, they had not the specific powers I required, but would get them, if permitted, and desired, in order to save time, to proceed at CHAMBERSBURG, August 24, 1864. once to Washington, and be permitted thence to communicate with Richmond for the purpose. The defeat of Crook and Averell near WinNot feeling at liberty to concede this, I tele- chester, when pursuing the retreating rebels, graphed to Washington for further instruc- was the first intimation given the border of tions, and was duly informed that Major Hay, another invasion; and even then little danger the President's Private Secretary, would soon was apprehended, as Hunter's army was known be on his way to me. He reached the Falls to have been brought to Martinsburg, and on the twentieth, and we crossed over to the rested and reorganized, and the Sixth and Clifton, where Major Hay, after mutual intro-Nineteenth corps were also known to be on the ductions, handed Professor Holcombe the fol- line of the Potomac. On Wednesday the twenlowing paper, in the handwriting of the Presi- ty-seventh ultimo, it was known at headquarters dent:

here that our entire force was north of the

Potomac, and the line from Hancock to Harper's ferry was well picketed. General Couch had no troops-not even an organized battalion on the border. He had organized six or seven regiments of one hundred days' men; but as fast as they were officered and armed they were forwarded to Washington, in obedience to orders from the authorities. He was left, therefore, with no force whatever to defend the border. The national authorities had persistently refused to uniform the citizens of the border, and thus enable them to organize for their own defence, without exposing themselves to certain butchery in case of capture, and the border was thus entirely defenceless. General Averell was still between us and the enemy, and it was hoped that in case of an advance, he could, with the aid of citizens, successfully defend Chambersburg, which was known to be a place in which McCausland longed to glut his infernal vengeance. Hunter was compelled to manucevre so as to prevent Early from getting between him and Washington, and therefore, could not devote his attention to defence against raids. Had Early drawn him up the Potomac and then hastily moved upon Washington, it would have been defenceless, and must have fallen.

by the movement of General Hunter upon Lynchburg and his retreat to Charleston. While it seems clear that General Averell could have saved Chambersburg had he fallen back to this point instead of halting at Greencastle, we are unwilling to censure him, or to hold him responsible for the sad record that McCausland has given to the history of our town. If but one column had threatened him, or had reinforcements been in his rear, he would doubtless have met every expectation of our people. He is a brave and gallant officer-has well earned his fame, and it should not be hastily tarnished.

General Couch, as we have stated, had no troops either here, or within reach of this point, with which to oppose the rebel advance. A few companies of infantry, but half-organized one hundred days' men, were thrown forward from Harrisburg to Averell on the morning before the Mercersburg movement was known, and they remained there under his orders. All the troops General Couch had were on picket duty, or with Lieutenant McLean, who gallantly embarrassed McCausland's advance at every step. He had not even a guard to spare to arrest the stream of stragglers and deserters from Hunter's army-chiefly one hundred days' men. Scores of them passed through, mostly without arms, and had they been arrested they would probably have been valueless.

On Thursday the twenty-eighth ultimo, the rebels recrossed the Potomac at three different points-McCausland, Johnston, and Gilmore, with three thousand mounted men and two batteries, General Averell was under orders from Genbelow Hancock, and moved toward Mercers- eral Hunter, and not subject to the order of burg. They reached Mercersburg at six P. M., General Couch. He was advised by General where they met Lieutenant McLean, a most gal- Couch by telegraph of the rebel occupation of lant young officer in the regular service, with Mercersburg, and the movement toward this about twenty men. His entire command num- point, which turned Averell's right flank and bered forty-five, and he had to detach for scout- rear, and urged to fall back if possible and cover ing and picket duty more than half his force. this point and save his flanks; but for reasons, So suddenly did they dash into Mercersburg which we believe will yet be satisfactorily exthat they cut the telegraph wire before their plained, General Averell did not move from movement could be telegraphed, and it was not Greencastle until morning, and then he made a until ten o'clock that night that Lieutenant circuit by Mount Hope, doubtless to protect McLean got a courier through to General Couch his left and save his command from a combined with the information. In the meantime, two attack by the several columns which had adother columns crossed the same morning, Gen-vanced from the river. His trains were sent erals Vaughn and Jackson, with over three thousand mounted men, at Williamsport, and moved toward Hagerstown. General Averell fell back to Greencastle during the day, and a small column of the enemy advanced five miles this side of Hagerstown, where they encamped that night. Another column crossed at Shepherdstown the same morning and appeared near Leitersburg, on General Averell's left, in the course of the evening, but advanced no further. General Averell was thus threatened in front and on both flanks by three columns, each larger than his own; was isolated from Hunter, his chief officer, and his whole reserve in case he fell back upon Chambersburg, was General Couch and staff, Lieutenant McLean's little command of less than fifty men, some sixty infantry, and a section of artillery. It must be remembered too, that his command was utterly exhausted; having been on duty almost day and night for a week, and previously broken down

here about six P. M., with a strong guard, and squads of disabled and demoralized men; but they were moved toward Shippensburg at one A. M. on Friday morning, and the guard, of course, went with them. General Averell did not reach here until about three P. M. on Saturday-nearly five hours after the rebels had burned the town and retreated westward.

General Couch was troopless, and therefore helpless as a commander. His failure to secure the aid of General Averell, and the steady advance of the rebels, made it evident that he could not hold the town, even if every citizen in it had fought resolutely by his side; and as the sequel shows, he apprehended that an unsuccessful resistance, in which citizens were engaged, against a fiendish foe like McCausland, would but swell the measure of rebel vengeance. Lieutenant McLean was driven to the western turnpike at St. Thomas by one A. M. on Friday morning, and resolved to retard the advance of

DOCUMENTS.

the enemy as long as possible, to enable the stores and trains to be sent off. All the government stores, railroad trains, &c., were ordered to be ready for immediate removal and they were all saved-the last train leaving the depot when the rebels were on the hill west of town. At three A. M. Lieutenant McLean reported that he had been driven into the town at the western toll-gate, and urged the immediate movement of the trains. As the stores were not yet all ready for shipment, Major Maneely, of General Couch's staff, took one gun, with a squad of men, and planted it on the hill a short distance west of the fair ground. As it was yet dark, his force could not be reconnoitred by the enemy, and when he opened on them they halted until daylight enabled them to see that they had no adequate force to oppose them. By this gallant exploit the rebels were delayed outside of the town until the stores were all saved, and General Couch left the depot as the rebels entered the western part of the town. Lieutenant McLean, and his command, and Major Maneely, being well mounted, escaped before the rebels got into the main part of the town. Major Maneely killed one rebel and wounded five by the first fire of his gun.

It seems inexplicable to persons and journals at a distance that General Couch, a Major-General commanding a department, with his border repeatedly invaded, should have no troops. The natural inclination is to blame the commander, for it is reasonable to suppose that he would endeavor to have an adequate command, and also that ample authority would be given him to have sufficient force. Just where the blame belongs, we do not choose now to discuss; but we do know that it was no fault of General Couch that he was unable to defend Chambersburg. He organized a Provost Guard regiment, some twelve hundred strong, expressly for duty in his department-the men were enlisted under a positive assurance, based on the order authorizing the organization, that they were to be kept on duty in the department. They were ordered to General Grant after the He organized six battles of the Wilderness. regiments of one hundred days' men, before the advent of McCausland, and they were ordered to Washington as soon as they were ready to We are assured that Governor Curtin, fully two weeks before the burning of Chambersburg, formally pledged the State to make provision for arming, organizing, and paying the entire militia force of the border for home defence, if the general government would simply give the uniforms; and we believe that General Couch pressed it upon the Washington authorities to uniform the entire force of the Southern counties assuring them that the people were willing to defend themselves if encouraged by granting them uniforms, so as to save them from inhuman butchery, but it was denied. We do not speak advisedly as to General Couch's correspondence with the Washington authorities-we give no statements at his instance or

move.

based upon information received from him or
his officers; but we do write whereof we know,
when we say that every effort was made to
carry these measures into effect, and that they
were not sauctioned at Washington. While we
do not assume to fix the responsibility of this
terrible disaster, we do mean that it shall not
fall upon a commander who was shorn of his
The rebels having been interrupted in their
strength and left helpless with his people.
entrance into the town until daylight, they em-
ployed their time in planting two batteries in
commanding positions, and getting up their
whole column, fully three thousand strong.
About six A. M. on Saturday morning, they
opened with their batteries, and fired some half
a dozen shots into the town, but they did no
damage. Immediately thereafter their skir-
mishers entered by almost every street and
alley running out west and south-west; and
finding the way clear, their cavalry, to the
number of about four hundred and fifty, came
General Bradley Johnston was
in, under the immediate command of General
McCausland.
with him, and also the notorious Major Harry
Gilmore.

While McCausland and Gilmore were reconnoitring around to get a deal with the citizens for tribute, his soldiers exhibited the proficiency of their training by immediate and almost indiscriminate robbery Hats, caps, boots, watches, silver-ware, and everything of value, were appropriated from individuals on the streets, without ceremony; and when a man was met whose appearance indicated a plethoric purse, a pistol would be presented to his head with the order to "deliver," with a dexterity that would have done credit to the free-booting accomplishments of an Italian brigand.

General McCausland rode up to a number of citizens and gave notice that unless five hundred thousand dollars in greenbacks, or one hundred thousand dollars in gold, was paid in half an hour the town would be burned; but no No committee was one responded to his call. He was promptly answered that Chambersburg could not and would not pay any ransom. appointed, and no individuals attempted to deal with the arch-fiend who had come at once to rob and destroy. He had the Court-house bell rung to convene the citizens, hoping to frighten No sort of effort was them into the payment of a large sum of money; but no one attended. made either by individuals singly or in organized capacities to make terms-all had resolved that the freebooter should fulfil his threat rather than pay tribute. Infuriated at the determination of our people, Major Gilmore rode up to a group of citizens, consisting of Thomas B. Kennedy, William M'Lellan, J. M'Dowell Sharpe, Doctor J. C. Richards, William H. M'Dowell, W. S. Everett, Edward G. Etter, and M. A. Foltz, and ordered them under arrest. He said that they would be held for the payment of the money, and if not he would take them to Richmond as hostages, and also burn every house in