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and the good results of his persistence became evident on Tuesday, when a similar attack was made upon Captain McMullen's battery, when the rebels were driven off, with a number killed and wounded.

On the evening of the twenty-first, General Crook, growing tired of the incessant skirmishing in our rear, determined to give the rebels a lesson, and, concealing the Thirty-third regiment on each side of the road, marched on. The over-confident bushwhackers-for such alone they are followed, and, as usual, fired on our rear. A return fire from the infantry from the roadside greeted them, and killed fifteen and wounded several. Since then they have been very cautious of any too near approach to our columns.

still involved. Certainly, the men in our gallant army will be surprised to learn that their enemies were so much more concerned about our safety than we ourselves.

"In many localities, on both the Salem and Forest roads, trees were felled and blockades of fence-rails and stones were made to impede pursuit. In removing these some hours were lost by our men."

This is simply false. "Some hours were lost by their men," but they were lost-when General Crook's division lay in line of battle, waiting for these eager pursuers, hoping, longing for their approach. But, no!-they halted just outside of range and continued there, until, tired of waiting, our men once more resumed their march. Do they forget-or perhaps it were contraband to mention it-the lesson taught their valiant bushwhackers by the Twenty-third Ohio at Buford's gap?

At Salem we turned north on the road over Catawba Mountain to Newcastle, and on the night of the twenty-third we encamped at Sweet Springs, in whose beautiful grounds of old the "Hunter reached Liberty on his retreat Sunchivalry were wont to assemble and disport day about two o'clock, our forces but a short themselves. Passing the night of the twenty-distance behind. His rear-guard was overtaken fourth at White Sulphur, we reached Meadow Bluffs on the twenty-fifth, without incident, save the great need of rations, which began to be felt so pressingly in the ranks. On the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh the march continued; on the latter day the command meeting wagons with abundant rations. Once more rest and quiet await us, and in a short time the army will be ready for another expedition, with, let us hope, better auspices.

ANOTHER ACCOUNT.

GAULEY, July 1, 1864.

about two miles west of Liberty, on the road to Buchanan, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which we are reported to have captured about one hundred prisoners, besides killing and wounding several.”

One would scarcely imagine from the above that our whole command remained in and about Liberty for dinner and rest nearly the whole afternoon, from two o'clock till dark. The prisoners taken must be the few wounded left in Liberty under the charge of the three surgeons with the rebel hospitals.

But why pursue this veracious account further? The attempt was most industriously I have before me some accounts of our Lynch- made to convey the idea that our army was disburgh expedition, taken from late Lynchburg gracefully routed, and that our return was a papers, which abound with the usual amount of retreat, and not simply a homeward march from truth that is found in rebel papers. And just a raid. And as we of Hunter's army draw nearer here let me note the fact, that the staunchest the Northern world-from the wilderness of rebels we met everywhere on our raid, confessed mountains and valleys in which for four weeks that they did not and could not know the truth we have been wandering-we find the same in regard to the success or failure of any move-idea prevalent among our own people. Our ments. Their papers dared not tell it, and the gallant young General, Crook, was reported people all knew this to be the case.' killed; five hundred only of his command were After a highly mythical account of Saturday's returning, the rest in Libby, or their last restingskirmishing-which the distorted rebel imagina-place, from life's wearisome toils. Such reports, tion magnified into an immense battle over miles of course, have been most easily dispelled, but of country, and in which I learn that four thou- there still linger in many minds distressing sand of our cavalry unsuccessfully charged on doubts and fears of disasters most dire. These men behind rifle -pits and breastworks-cer- found partial expression in a despatch published tainly a new method of warfare-we read that: in your city that seven thousand rebels had The battle ended on Saturday afternoon, and occupied Lewisburg, which, of course, was unthe enemy retreated in great haste on Saturday true. In the valley, no little surprise was maninight. Had they remained until the next day, fested when they witnessed our quiet settling we are satisfied, from the dispositions that had into camp life, with no fortifications, no alarms, been made by General that they would or undignified hurry. Here they soon learned have been captured. Their safety is not now our true condition; but with you it may be an assured fact by any means." more difficult to see why we failed to take Lynchburg, and why this failure does not constitute a defeat.

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The fearful mystery involved in the blank where the general's name should be, is truly appalling, and well designed to strike terror to the heart of any impudent raider. On a par with this is the doubt in which our safety was

But we didn't take Lynchburg, and why? Simply because Major-General Hunter allowed a failure in the first, most important element of

a raid-celerity of movement. A raid is an advance far into an enemy's country, where, at very short notice, vastly superior forces can be hurled against the invading party. The only hope for success in such a movement depends upon the surprise of the invaded, the suddenness of the blow, and ere he has time to recover and collect his forces, the rapidity of return to the original base, where the parties are on a nearly equal footing. Now, did General Hunter move in accordance with this requisite ? General Crook, with his command, joined him at Staunton, Wednesday noon, June eighth, where he had been resting his men two days. Already, among the rebels, it was believed that Lynchburg was the point at which we were aiming. Yet we lay at Staunton until Friday morning, the tenth, and by short, easy marches, entered Lexington on the evening of the eleventh, and rested here until Tuesday morning, the fourteenth. By this time belief in the rebel mind had become certainty, and we heard that they were taking the Lynchburg stores to Danville, and making preparations to resist us at Lynchburg. Lexington is only forty-one miles distant from Lynchburg by the direct route. General Crook here implored permission to march his own gallant Kanawha division by this road, and surprise and take Lynchburg, in accordance with his own raid-like custom; but he was refused, and compelled to march with what he knew was almost fatal slowness.

Instead of taking the direct route, General Hunter leads us off to Liberty, by way of Buchanan, both trifling places, in neither of which did we gain any peculiar advantage, taking us by two sides of a triangle instead of the shorter line.

Now, notice the result of all this delay of four days, and how it defeated our design against Lynchburg. We arrived at Lynchburg Friday afternoon, attacked and drove the rebels two miles, and only halted with the coming night. During the night the heavy reinforcements. from Richmond, a division under Early, arrived in Lynchburg, having been just five days on the This latter fact we have ascertained from undoubted testimony. With these reinforcements, the army in Lynchburg far outnumbered ours, and that too, with the addition of strong breastworks, rifle-pits and forts. In such a situation but one course is left, and that is, speedy and cautious retreat.

way.

Well, the retreat is begun, and certainly no complaint can be made of delay or idling in this part of the march.

Then, furthermore, look at the disgraceful loss of artillery to a paltry pack of guerrillas, not quite two hundred in all, what more, or rather less, could be expected than that such a loss would of necessity follow from the disposition made of the batteries, in what seemed to be more especially Hunter's command, of the First division. They were made a separate train, just as our wagons. Attempts had been made

to induce General Crook, to run the same risk with his batteries, but in the absence of any positive orders, he managed to avoid it.

Such, then, seems to me to be the cause of our failure to take Lynchburg. General Hunter, although a good officer of high education, is not the man to "go on a raid."

CONFEDERATE NARRATIVES.

LYNCHBURG VIRGINIAN ACCOUNT.

The line of battle extended from about half a mile above the toll-gate (two and a half miles from Lynchburg), on the Lynchburg and Salem turnpike. The distance embraced by this line must be two and a half to three miles.

Dr. E. H. Murrell, who was in a good position to observe a portion of the fight, has informed us that a battery stationed on Halsey's farm did great execution. He distinctly saw a large body of cavalry, which he supposed to be about four thousand, drawn up in line of battle in Captain Barksdale's field, on the Forest road. They charged upon our fortifications with great spirit, yelling defiance, and at the top of their voices, which were borne to the point where the doctor stood concealed, he heard them cry" Come out of your holes, you rebels; we've got you now! come out of your holes." When these infuriated wretches got within reach of our grape and canister, our boys let fly a volley at them, which did terrible execution. Two other volleys were poured into them, when they broke and fled.

The battle ended on Saturday afternoon, and the enemy retreated in great haste on Saturday night. Had they remained until the next day, we are satisfied, from the dispositions that had been made by General that they would have been captured. Their safety is not now an assured fact by any means.

We rode over the battle-field on Sunday, observing the results of the previous day's work. On two or three contiguous fields, on the farm of Dr. Owen and John B. Lee, we counted some forty odd dead Yankees, who lay stiff, and stark, and nude, a spectacle of horrors. They had been denuded, it was said, by their particular friends, gentlemen of "African descent." Most of them were supposed to be sharpshooters, who fell in advance of the enemy's lines, and quite near to our rifle-pits and intrenchments.

Fully three fourths of them were shot through the head, and others through the heart, thus showing the accuracy of that unerring aim which sent them to their last account. Some of them were fierce-looking heavily-bearded cutthroats, while a few were smooth-faced boys. We noticed one who seemed to be a stripling of scarce seventeen summers. On the left of the Salem turnpike, near the left of the Quaker meeting-house, we saw five graves. The wooden boards placed at their heads stated that these were all killed on Friday, the seventeenth. On the other side of the road a man was laid out

on a blanket, with a piece of paper pinned on his breast, marked "Robert J. Simpson, Company I, First Virginia Light Infantry."

ANOTHER ACCOUNT.

The fight on Saturday, near this city, says the Lynchburg Republican, was a much heavier one than at first supposed, and its results greatly more disastrous to the enemy than stated yesterday morning. It is now stated that their dead alone left on the field numbered one hundred and twenty, and their wounded in field hospitals, who fell into our hands-being too badly hurt to be moved-are reported at one hundred and fifty. General Averell stated to a gentleman entirely trustworthy, that their loss was eight hundred killed, wounded and missing.

Our entire loss on Saturday is semi-officially reported at nine killed and seventeen wounded. In the engagement and pursuit as far as New London, we captured in all about forty prisoners. The report of the capture of three pieces of artillery was erroneous.

The enemy commenced their retreat about six o'clock Saturday evening, after their unsuccessful assault upon our lines, previously reported. As soon as the retreat was discovered, vigorous pursuit was made. Gentlemen whose houses the enemy passed, inform us that they travelled in great haste and confusion, and they also say that in conversation both officers and men expressed great surprise at finding the city so well prepared for resistance.

The battle-field on Sunday presented quite a ghastly spectacle. A circumstance connected with the enemy's dead is worthy of notice, as showing the accuracy and aim of our sharpshooters.

A gentleman undertook to count the dead as they lay on the field, and to note the place where they were shot. Of forty-seven so counted, forty-two were struck in the head, and death appeared to have been almost instantaneous—a mete and proper fate for these ruthless invaders.

The enemy threw away a large number of guns, pistols and swords, both on the battle-field and on the route of the retreat. Knapsacks, haversacks, canteens, &c., were also profusely strewn around, and many were picked up by citizens who visited the fields and passed along the roads

In many localities, on both the Salem and Forest roads, trees were felled and blockades of fence rails and stones were made to impede pursuit. In removing these some hours were lost by our men.

Generals Hunter, Crook, Averell and Sullivan, put up with Major Hutter, about four miles from town, whose beautiful farm was used as headquarters. In their suite were the notorious Doctor Rucker and David H. Strother (Porte Crayon), the former attached to Crook's staff.

Major Hutter, being an old army officer, was

well acquainted with Hunter, and talked freely to him respecting his expedition. Hunter said that he had fifty thousand men, and could take Lynchburg easily-that we had better make no resistance. When Major Hutter informed him that it would be no easy task, and that our people, in the last resort, would retire to the Amherst Heights and fire upon them, Hunter replied that, in such an event, he would help them to destroy the town. The general officers were in very high spirits at the supper table on Friday night, and boasted that they would be in Lynchburg the next day.

On Saturday night they took their meal at the same board in perfect silence. General Averell retired to the back porch after supper, very moody, and remarked to Miss Hutter that "the battle of Lynchburg would be one of the bloodiest records of this war for the time it lasted." He said that the loss was very heavy on both sides, theirs not being less than eight hundred to a thousand. The General was mistaken as to ours, which is six killed and ninetyfive wounded.

Sullivan said they had some twenty or thirty thousand men, and reinforcements were expected under Pope, who, with other troops, had four thousand contrabands.

The Yankees avowed it to be their purpose to capture Lynchburg, and then proceed to the assistance of Butler. They placed their signal officers on the top of Major Hutter's house, and as the battle progressed on Saturday, the "lookout" declared that the cavalry were charging splendidly after a while, however, he said that they were giving way, and finally left his eyrie in disgust.

When Miss Hutter remonstrated with General Hunter for his vandalism in burning the Military Institute, he replied, "You need not make a fuss about that, for I intend to burn the University of Virginia also."

After the melancholy supper referred to, Hunter told Major Hutter that they wanted to hold a council. They thereupon appropriated two rooms, the doors of which they locked carefully. Major Hutter, having retired to a back chamber of his house, attempted to pass out of the building, when he was informed that he was a prisoner. When the Yankee officers retired, they said that they were going to the front, and thus took up the line of retreat before Major Hutter was aware of their intentions.

Some of the Yankee soldiers repaid the hos pitality of Major Hutter by plundering Miss Hutter's chamber, searching trunks and drawers, and carrying away various ornaments and valuables.

Some ninety odd wounded Yankees were left in Major Hutter's barn. Four or five of them died on Sunday. These wounded were rather the best-looking Yankees we have yet seen, being mostly Western men. Other wounded were left among the families of the people they had robbed, while many of the slightly wounded were doubtless carried off.

We are obliged to close our narrative here, by adding that the Yankees retired by the way they came.

The scenes of desolation and ruin in the neighborhood of this city, near where the enemy myle their live of battle, are positively appalling. The people were stripped of everything; fences were torn down, crops trampled up, and every species of vandalism that savages could think of, was practised. Hogs, sheep, cattle, poultry, were stolen and carried off, and when not needed for food were wantonly slaughtered and left to rot on the ground.

Among others we have heard of as being thus brutally despoiled were Mrs. Poindexter, General Clay, Captain Armistead, Doctor Floyd, and N. W. Barksdale, on and near the Forest road; and on the Salem road, Samuel Miller, Major G. C. Hutter, and Doctor W. Owen. There were also others of whose names we have not been informed; and along the entire line of the enemy's march, as far as we can learn, the same scenes of plunder and robbery were enacted. Captain Paschal Buford was stripped of everything-cattle, horses, hogs, provisions, &c., all were taken; and so with Captain W. M. Smith, living near Lewry's, and all persons living on or within reach of the road. At Liberty the case was the same, and there is scarcely a family there who has a dust of meal or a ration of bacon.

Along the road between this place and Liberty a gentleman who passed over it yesterday tells us that there are at least one hundred or more dead horses and mules. When these animals gave out, they were cruelly shot.

The enemy were out of rations, and the Chief Commissary told a lady Saturday morning that they were compelled to do one of two things-capture Lynchburg and get supplies, or retreat. Finding that they could not do the former, they had to do the latter, and we predict that this is the last Yankee trip to Lynchburg.

Doc. 92.

THE NIAGARA PEACE CONFERENCE.

CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS,
CANADA WEST, July 12.

DEAR SIR: I am authorized to say that Honorable Clement C. Clay, of Alabama, Professor James B. Holcomb, of Virginia, and George N. Saunders, of Dixie, are ready and willing to go at once to Washington, upon complete and unqualified protection being given, either by the President or Secretary of War. Let the permission include the three names and one other. Very respectfully, GEO. N. SAUNDERS.

To HON. HORACE GREELEY.

NIAGARA FALIS, N. Y., July 17, 1864. GENTLEMEN: I am informed that you are duly accredited from Richmond as the bearers of

propositions looking to the establishment of peace; that you desire to visit Washington in the fulfilment of your mission, and that you further desire that Mr. G. N. Saunders shall accompany you. If my information be thus far substantially correct, I am authorized by the President of the United States to tender you his safe conduct in the journey proposed, and to accompany you at the earliest time that will be agreeable to you.

I have the honor to be, gentlemen,

HORACE GREELEY. Messrs. CLEMENT C. CLAY, JACOB THOMPSON, JAMES B. HOLCOMB, Clifton House, C. W.

CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, July 18.

SIR: We have the honor to acknowledge your favor of the seventeenth instant, which would have been answered on yesterday, but for the absence of Mr. Clay.

The safe conduct of the President of the United States has been tendered us, we regret to state, under some misapprehension of facts. We have not been accredited to him from Richmond as the bearers of propositions looking to the establishment of peace.

We are, however, in the confidential employment of our government, and entirely familiar with its wishes and opinions on that subject, and we feel authorized to declare that if the circumstances disclosed in this correspondence were communicated to Richmond, we would be at once invested with the authority to which your letter refers, or other gentlemen with full powers would immediately be sent to Washington with the view of hastening a consummation so much to be desired, and terminating at the earliest possible moment the calamities of war. We respectfully solicit, through your intervention, a safe conduct to Washington, and thence, by any route which may be designated, through your lines to Richmond. We would be gratified if Mr. Geo. N. Saunders was embraced in this privilege.

Permit us, in conclusion, to acknowledge our obligations to you for the interest you have manifested in the furtherance of our wishes; and to express the hope that, in any event, you will afford us the opportunity of tendering them in person before you leave the Falls. We remain, very respectfully, &c.,

C. C. CLAY, JR. J. H. HOLCOMB.

is not here, and has not been staying with us P. S.-It is proper to add that Mr. Thompson since our sojourn in Canada.

INTERNATIONAL HOTEL, NIAGARA FALLS, N. Y.,
July 18, 1864.

GENTLEMEN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yours of this date, by the hand of Mr. W. C. Jewett. The state of affairs therein presented being materially different from that which was understood to exist by the President when he entrusted me with the safe conduct

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INTERNATIONAL HOTEL, NIAGARA FALLS, July 19, 1864. GENTLEMEN: At a late hour last evening, too late for communication with you, I received a despatch from the President, informing me that further instructions left Washington last evening, which must reach me, if there be no interruption, by noon to-morrow. Should you decide to await their arrival, I feel confident that they will enable me to answer definitely your note of yesterday morning. Regretting a delay which I am sure you will regard as unavoidable on my part, I remain, yours truly,

HORACE GREELEY. To Hon. Messrs. CLAY and J. P. HOLCOMB, Clifton

House.

CLIFTON HOUSE, July 19, 1864. SIR: Colonel Jewett has just handed us your note of this date, in which you state that further instructions from Washington will reach you by noon to-morrow, if there be no interruption. One, or possibly both of us may be obliged to leave the Falls to-day, but will return in time to receive the communication which you propose to-morrow.

We remain, truly yours, &c.,

J. P. HOLCOMB, C. C. CLAY, JR. To Hon. HORACE GREELEY, International Hotel.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864.

To whom it may Concern:

Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms in substantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Major Hay would respectfully inquire whether Professor Holcomb, and the gentleman associated with him, desire to send to Washington by Major Hay any message in reference to the communication delivered to him on yesterday, and in that case, when he may expect to be favored with such message.

INTERNATIONAL HOTEL, Thursday.

Mr. Holcomb presents his compliments to Major Hay, and greatly regrets if his return to Washington has been delayed by any expectation of an answer to the communication which Mr. Holcomb received from him yesterday, to be delivered to the President of the United States. This communication was accepted as a response to the letter of Messrs. Holcomb and Clay to Hon. Horace Greeley, and to that gentleman has been transmitted.

CLIFTON HOUSE, C. W., Thursday, July 21. The following is a copy of the original letter held by me to deliver to Hon. Horace Greeley, and which duplicate I now forward to the Associated Press.

WM. CORNELL JEWETT.

CLIFTON HOUSE, C. W., July 21.

To Hon. Horace Greeley:

SIR: The paper handed to Mr. Holcomb on A. A. G., as an answer to the application in our yesterday, in your presence, by Major Hay, note of the eighteenth instant, is couched in the following terms:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864.

To whom it may Concern:

Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States will be received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other and substantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both

ways.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The application to which we refer was elicited by your letter of the seventeenth instant, in which you inform Mr. Jacob Thompson and ourselves that you were authorized by the President of the United States to tender us his safe conduct on the hypothesis that we were duly accredited from Richmond as bearers of propositions looking to the restoration of peace, and desired to visit Washington in the fulfilment of this mission. This assertion, to which we then gave, and still do, entire credence, was accepted by us as evidence of an unexpected but most gratifying change in the policy of the President; a change which we felt authorized to hope might terminate in the conclusion of a peace mutually just, honorable, and advantageous

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