is one of an earlier and more delightful quality. It is one in strange contrast with the gloom which makes this mansion sombre in the calendar of crime, and famous in the annals of local history.

Being upon the Foreign Affairs Committee of the House of Representatives when the Trent affair occurred, the writer attended a dinner given by the Secretary at this then happy home. This was at a time when men held their breath in trepidation, lest Great Britain and the Powers of Europe might make the Trent matter the pretext to consummate their recognition of Southern independence. Some feared that a disparted Republic would have to give way before the jealous encroachments of those who sought to divide our country as they endeavored to imperialize Mexico.

The delightful interchanges of thought between the persons at that dinner are not so important as the fact that transpired toward its close. After the ceremonies of introduction, and the tenders of politeness to Mrs. Frederick W. Seward and Miss Olive Risley - the adopted daughter of the housethe guests who had been received by these ladies moved to the hospitable dining-hall. On the right of Mr. Seward was seated burly English heartiness incarnated in Mr. Anthony Trollope, the novelist. His presence was almost a surprise, if not a satire on the occasion, as it concluded. At the other end of the table sat John J Crittenden. He was then chairman of Foreign Affairs in the House. The author was on his right, as he was nearer by sympathy to him than others on the committee. He used to say to the writer: "My young friend, when I was of your age, I did all the work and the older members received the merit marks. You may do the work, sir, and I will take the credit." With his grave humor and hearty confidence, he was wont to parcel out to the writer no inconsiderable quantity of the work of this most arduous of committees. Thus it happened that a bill for the relief of the owners of the Perthshire, seized by us, came to the hand of the writer for a report. The chairman was not a little astonished when he found that his subordinate, on the 17th of December, 1861, was dilating on the Trent case, and quoting Robinson's Reports to justify the detention of the contraband plenipotentiaries, upon British precedents and conduct.

The dinner was proceeding with the usual social murmur of chat and vivacity of repartee. Bonbons of good-will were tossed about from Senator to Secretary, and from minister to member. Governor Crittenden was regaling the ear of his neighbor, between the soup and the sherry, with an account of the War of 1812, and his experience as a Kentucky soldier in that war. He had, while serving as aid-de-camp on the staff of the general commanding the Kentucky troops, carried his sword through the Columbus, Ohio, District. As that part of Ohio was represented by the writer, the interest grew apace. All present perplexities were forgotten in the revival of the old prejudices against Great Britain, the incidents of the Canadian border, and of Hull's disgraceful surrender. The dinner progressed. One incident led to another,

until Mr. Seward, with a brusqueness entirely prepense upon his part but surprising to us, drew the attention of all by saying:

"GENTLEMEN: There is only one man in this country to whom I allowed unrestricted communication with Jefferson Davis, since the war. I never asked him what he wrote to Mr. Davis. I trusted his honor and loyalty. He is here. I drink the health of Mr. Crittenden!"

Mr. Crittenden, throwing back his shoulders, as was his custom when pleased or excited, said:

"MR. SECRETARY: I never told you what I wrote to Jeff. Davis. I will tell you now, sir. I have two sons in the war one is a Union and the other a Confederate general. They are both, of course, dear to my heart. I wrote Mr. Davis, 'for God's sake, sir, since you have the gallantry of one of my boys on your side, don't send him to or against Old Kentucky.""

This little by-play sent out a gleam of pleasure that sparkled around the board. It was intended by Mr. Seward to placate Mr. Crittenden for what was to follow, and it did. Then Mr. Seward, with his exquisite diplomatic savoir-faire, said, looking around the board:

"I think I must now trust my guests, as I trusted Mr. Crittenden. I will divulge to you a secret. To-day, the order was issued to release Mason and Slidell."

A dead pause ensued! All awaited the response of the venerable and patriotic chairman of Foreign Affairs. He was known not to be partial to England. He was not entirely cordial with the Confederate ambassadors. With a puzzled look of anger and chagrin, the great Kentuckian hesitated for a moment. He seemed held back by the hand of courtesy. He then brought down his dainty glass of sherry with a sudden crash upon the table. The little fragments flew about his plate. The golden contents bejeweled the writer's investments. Then pausing another moment, half ironically and half jocosely, he exclaimed:

"A good riddance, sir! You sent them away none too soon, sir! They were doing much mischief here"; and, regardless of the occasion, a little murky cloud of profanity dimmed the atmosphere about the table. Never, since the days of good old Uncle Toby, was emphasis more excusable.

Then the Secretary gave us the observations which appeared in the National Intelligencer the next morning; and which this chapter is intended to illustrate.

won.

It was not until nine days after the release of the prisoners that the public were brought to realize what a great diplomatic victory Mr. Seward had The demand of the British Government had no foundation in international law. It was against British precedent. It harmonized only with distinctively American doctrine. It would have come well from our government had Great Britain been the aggressor. Mr. Sumner, than whom no one was

A DIPLOMATIC DUEL.

293

better qualified to discuss the true merits of Mr. Seward's course, delivered a masterly speech in the Senate on the 9th of January, 1862. He set the public mind at ease by showing that we had emerged from the impending trouble not only with honor, but by putting England in a position in which neither former diplomacy nor, as Secretary Seward said, "the arbitrament of war" itself, had placed her.

In the Napoleonic wars, when England had closed the coast of Europe from the Elbe to Brest by a paper blockade, and her own ports were similarly closed, our ships were everywhere subjected to the most arbitrary searches by British and French cruisers. Even our war vessels were fired into on our own coast. We were treated with the utmost contempt. The British press and British officers openly boasted that we "could not be kicked into a war." -We taught them a wholesome lesson on this point afterwards.— We had always refused to recognize the right of any belligerent power to take from an American neutral ship, under the right of search, "any description of persons except soldiers in the actual service of the enemy." Since the establishment of the United States as an independent government, our constant endeavor had been to get Great Britain to agree to this doctrine, but without success. Mr. Sumner applied this historic fact in his grand speech:

"In the struggle," said he, "between Laertes and Hamlet, Hamlet was armed with the rapier of Laertes, and Laertes was armed with the rapier of Hamlet. And now, on this sensitive question, a similar exchange has occurred. Great Britain is armed with American principles, while to us are left only those British principles which throughout our history have been constantly, deliberately, and solemnly rejected." But it was only for a moment that Mr. Seward fenced with the rapier of Earl Russell. He soon threw it aside as a mere foil. He recovered his own American weapon. He saluted his disarmed antagonist. Great Britain bowed to a rule of conflict for which we had so long contended. As Mr. Sumner aptly said, "We did not even stoop to conquer."

Great Britain had at last admitted our doctrine. The high seas were free to neutral ships in the transportation of all persons excepting only "soldiers in the actual service of the enemy." Hence, Messrs. Mason and Slidell were permitted to re-embark in their fruitless mission on an ocean whose waters would be forever after free from unlawful search and British arrogance. Where our humiliation had been sought we won the laurels of victory, and all the cabinets of continental Europe applauded.

CHAPTER XV.

THE CONFEDERATE AND OTHER GOVERNORS.

ISHAM G. HARRIS, OF TENNESSEE

I

HEADING THE LIST OF FIVE EXECUTIVES HIS OFFICIAL TRUSTS - HIS CONGRESSIONAL SERVICE-GOVERNOR FROM 1857 TO 1865 - HIS ENERGY AND ABILITY-HIS EXILE, RETURN, and preferMENT-SERVICE and POSITION IN THE SENATE; JOHN LETCHER, OF VIRGINIA HIS EARLY LIFE-HIS SERVICE IN VIRGINIA AND IN CONGRESS -WATCH-DOG OF THE TREASURY - HIS ACTION AS GOVERNOR DURING THE CIVIL WAR, AND HIS DEATH-SAM: HOUSTON HIS ECCENTRIC LIFE AND HIS COURAGEOUS CONDUCT - THE BATTLES OF TEXAS INDEPENDENCE HIS SERVICE TO ANNEXATION - GOVERNOR AND SENATOR — HIS HESITATION AS TO SECESSION-JOSEPH E. BROWN, OF GEORGIA GEORGIA'S RESOURCES HER WISDOM AT THE END OF THE WAR - HER FOREMOST GOVERNOR HIS BUSINESS ENERGY DURING THE WAR AND AT ITS END- HIS CONTESTS WITH THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT - GOVERNOR VANCE'S

HIS CHARI

LETTER TO HIM -CONSCRIPTION DEFIED - HIS CHARACTER
TIES - HIS PRESENT SERVICE ZEBULON B. VANCE, OF NORTH CAROLINA —
BORN AMONG THE MOUNTAINS REPRESENTATIVE OF BUNCOMBE - HIS
LOVE OF BOOKS THE BASIS OF HIS EDUCATION HIS UNCLE'S LIBRARY
HIS EXPERIENCES IN CONGRESS AND IN WAR HIS EXECUTIVE ABILITY
AND INTEGRITY.

-

-

N some of the preceding chapters there has been more emphasis laid upon abstract theories and polities, than upon the personal administration of affairs and the actual legislation which the Executive branch has sought to carry out. But a history of these stirring times, in a Federal sense, would be incomplete without some reflections upon the constituent elements of the Federal system, namely, the states and their exponents. These exponents were their executives. A list of the Confederate governors of 1861 is as follows: Alabama, Andrew B. Moore; Arkansas, Henry M. Rector; Florida, John Milton; Georgia, Joseph E. Brown; Louisiana, Thomas O. Moore; Mississippi, John J. Pettus; Missouri, Claiborne F. Jackson; Kentucky, Beriah Magoffin; North Carolina, John W. Ellis; South Carolina, Francis W. Pickens; Tennessee, Isham G. Harris; Texas, Samuel Houston; and Virginia, John Letcher.

ROSTER OF CONFEDERATE AND PROVISIONAL GOVERNORS. 295

Each of these Confederate governors, except Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, who died and was succeeded by H. T. Clark, the Speaker of the State Senate, and General Sam: Houston, of Texas, who was succeeded by F. R. Lubbock,-remained in office during 1862 and 1863. Several of them served during 1864. One of them, John Milton, of Florida, served until the surrender, in 1865.

The governors of Kentucky and Missouri are included in this list, from the fact that one took a prominent part as a Confederate general, while the other was a Unionist, though not favorable to aggressive war measures. He resigned in 1862. He was succeeded by James F. Robinson, a Unionist. In 1864, the Confederate governors were: Alabama, Thomas H. Watts; Arkansas, Harris Flannegan; Florida, John Milton; Georgia, Joseph E. Brown; Louisiana, Henry W. Allen; Mississippi, Charles Clarke ; North Carolina, Zebulon B. Vance; South Carolina, Milledge L. Bonham; Texas, Pendleton Murrah; and Virginia, John Letcher.

Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee had ceased, in 1864, to have resident Confederate governors. The above names include those who were in office at the time of the surrender at Appomattox.

In 1863, Francis H. Pierpont was elected governor of Virginia, by the people inhabiting the western counties. When these counties formed a constitution for West Virginia, Arthur I. Boreman was chosen governor.

Michael Hahn was elected governor of Louisiana by the so-called loyal people, in February, 1865. In Tennessee, William G. Brownlow was elected in 1865, to succeed the provisional, or military governor, Andrew Johnson, appointed by President Lincoln.

The provisional governors appointed by President Andrew Johnson were as follows: North Carolina, William W. Holden; South Carolina, Benjamin F. Perry; Georgia, James Johnson; Alabama, Lewis E. Parsons; Mississippi, William L. Sharkey; Florida, William Marvin; and Texas, Andrew J. Hamilton.

President Johnson recognized Michael Hahn as elected by the people, to be governor of Louisiana.

William G. Brownlow was elected in like manner as governor of Tennessee, Francis H. Pierpont as governor of Virginia, and Isaac Murphy as governor of Arkansas.

The military commanders under the Reconstruction acts of 1867 were named on the 11th of March, 1867, by the order of Adjutant-General E. D. Townsend. The order is number 10. It reads thus:

"In pursuance of the act of Congress, entitled 'An Act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel states,' the President directs the following assignments to be made :

"First District, State of Virginia, to be commanded by Brevet Maj.Gen. J. M. Schofield. Headquarters, Richmond, Virginia.