ecially that part connected with the rebellion. e country must accept, then, my past course as an lication of what my future will be. I think the ople understand and appreciate my position. I know it is easy, gentlemen, for any one who is so posed, to acquire a reputation for clemency and rey. But the public good imperatively requires ust discrimination in the exercise of these qualis. What is clemency? What is mercy? It may considered merciful to relieve an individual from in and suffering; but to relieve one from the peny of crime may be productive of national diser. The American people must be taught to know d understand that treason is a crime. Arson and irder are crimes, the punishment of which is the s of liberty and life. If, then, it is right in the ht of God to take away human life for such crimes, at punishment, let me ask you, should be inflicted on him who is guilty of the atrocious crime of asssinating the Chief Magistrate of a great people? m sure there is no one present who has not the swer ready upon his lips! Him whom we loved s been removed from our midst by the hand of a thless assassin, and his blessed spirit has gone to at bourne whence no traveller returns. If his urderer should suffer the severest penalty known the law, what punishment should be inflicted upon e assassins who have raised their daggers against e life of a nation, against the happiness and lives thirty millions of people? Treason is a crime, d must be punished as a crime. It must not be garded as a mere difference of political opinion. It ust not be excused as an unsuccessful rebellion, to overlooked and forgiven. It is a crime before hich all other crimes sink into insignificance; and saying this it must not be considered that I am inuenced by angry or revengeful feelings.

Of course, a careful discrimination must be obrved, for thousands have been involved in this rellion who are only technically guilty of the crime treason. They have been deluded and deceived, id have been made the victims of the more intelli

ent, artful, and designing men, the instigators of his monstrous rebellion. The number of this later class is comparatively small. The former may and acquitted of the crime of treason-the latter ever; the full penalty of their crimes should be vised upon them. To the others I would accord amesty, leniency, and mercy.

To the address of a delegation from Indiana, n April 21st, he replied in part as follows:

As to making a declaration, or manifesto, or mesage, or what you may please to call it, my past is a etter foreshadowing of my future course than any atement on paper that might be made. Who, four ears ago, looking down the stream of time, could ave delineated that which has transpired since then? ad any one done so, and presented it, he would ave been looked upon as insane; or it would have een thought a fable fabulous as the stories of the rabian Nights-as the wonders of the lamp of laddin-and would have been about as readily be eved. If we knew so little four years ago of what as passed since then, we know as little what events will arise in the next four years. But as these events rise I shall be controlled in the disposition of them those rules and principles by which I have been uided heretofore. * *

* When we come

understand our system of government, though it e complex, we see how beautifully one part acts in armony with another. Then we see our Governent is to be a perpetuity, there being no provision For pulling it down, the Union being its vitalizing ower, imparting life to the whole of the States, that nove around it like planets around the sun, receivng thence light, and heat, and motion. Upon this idea of destroying States my position

as been heretofore well known, and I see no cause o change it now; and I am glad to hear its reitera

VOL. V.-51

A

tion on the present occasion. Some are satisfied with the idea that States are to be lost in territorial and other divisions-are to lose their character as States. But their life-breath has only been suspended, and it is a high constitutional obligation we have to secure each of these States in the possession and enjoyment of a republican form of Government. A State may be in the Government with a peculiar institution, and by the operation of rebellion lose that feature. But it was a State when it went into rebel. lion, and when it comes out without the institution it is still a State. I hold it as a solemn obligation in any one of these States where the rebel armies have been driven back or expelled-I care not how small the number of Union men, if enough to man the ship of State-I hold it, I say, a high duty to protect and secure to them a republican form of goverment. This is no new opinion. It is expressed in conformity with my understanding of the genius and theory of our Government. Then, in adjusting and putting the Government upon its legs again, I think the progress of this work must pass into the hands of its friends. If a State is to be nursed until it again gets strength, it must be nursed by its friends, and not smothered by its enemies. Now, permit me to remark that, while I have opposed dissolution and disintegration on the one hand, on the other I have opposed consolidation-or the centralization of power in the hands of a few. Sir, all this has been extorted from me by the remarks you have offered.

To a delegation from Ohio, on the same day, he said:

after referring to my past life is, that in ascertaining Gentlemen, all I can say and all I can promise you what my future will be, in the discharge of my duties in the administration of the Government, all will be done in a proper spirit, I think, and in accordance with my best ability."

To a delegation represented to be for the most part exiles from the South, on April 24th, he said:

The most that I can say is that, entering upon the duties that have devolved upon me under circumstances that are perilous and responsible, and being thrown into the position I now occupy unexpectedly, in consequence of the sad event, the heinous assassination which has taken place-in view of all that is before me and the circumstances that surround me-I cannot but feel that your encouragement and kindness are peculiarly acceptable and appropriate. I do not think you, who have been familiar with my course-you who are from the South, deem it necessary for me to make any professions as to the future on this occasion, nor to express what my course will be upon questions that may arise. If my past life is no indication of what my future will be, my professions were both worthless and empty; and in returning you my sincere thanks for this encouragesaid before, and, in part, what has just been read. ment and sympathy, I can only reiterate what I have

To a delegation of colored persons, who some days previous had waited upon him, and among other things said: "The colored American asks but two things. He asks, after proving his devotion to his country by responding to her call in the hour of her sorest trial, and after demonstrating, upon many hotly-contested battle-fields, his manhood and valor, that he have, first, complete emancipation, and secondly, full equality before American law. Your past history, as connected with the rebellion, gives us full assurance that in your hands our cause shall receive no detriment, and

that our liberty and rights will be fully protected and sustained "—he replied:

I need not state to you my past history. It is well understood by you. In it you will find the guaranty of my future conduct toward your people. Where the colored people know me best, they have confidence in me. No man can charge me with having proved false to the promises I have made to any class of the people in my public life. I fear that leading colored men do not understand and appreciate the fact that they have friends on the south side of the line. They have, and they are as faithful and staunch as any north of the line. It may be a very easy thing, indeed popular, to be an emancipationist north of the line, but a very different thing to be such south of it. South of it, it costs a man effort, property, and perhaps life. You may express these sentiments, together with my thanks, to the people whom you represent.

These extracts present the general views uttered at this time by the President in his replies to the addresses of delegations. Still later, on June 24th, to a delegation from South Carolina he said:

From the Magna Charta we had derived our ideas of freedom of speech, liberty of the press, and unreasonable searches, and that private property should not be taken for public uses without just compensation. He had these notions fixed in his mind, and was therefore opposed to class legislation. Being providentially brought to his present position, he intended to exert the power and influence of the Government so as to place in power the popular heart of this nation. He proceeded on the principle that the great masses are not the mushroom upon a stump which wet weather supplies. He believed that this nation was sent on a great mission to afford an example of freedom and substantial happiness to all the powers of the earth.

The Constitution of the United States, in speaking of persons to be chosen as representatives in Congress, says, that the electors, in each State, shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. Here we find a resting-place. This was the point at which the rebellion commenced. All the States were

in the Union, moving in harmony, but a portion of them rebelled, and, to some extent, suspended and paralyzed the operations of their Government. There is a constitutional obligation resting upon the United States Government to put down rebellion, suppress insurrection, and repel invasion.

The slaves went into the war as slaves, and came out free men of color. The friction of the rebellion has rubbed out the nature and character of slavery. The loyal men who were compelled to bow and submit to the rebellion, should, now that the rebellion is ended, stand equal to loyal men everywhere. Hence the wish of reconstruction, and the trying to get back the State, to the point at which they formerly moved in perfect harmony.

He did not intend to serve any particular clique or interests. He would say to the delegation that slavery is gone as an institution. There was no hope that the people of South Carolina would be admitted into the Senate or House of Representatives until they had afforded evidence, by their conduct, of this truth. The policy, now that the rebellion is suppressed, is not to restore the State government through military rule, but by the people.

Meanwhile many steps were taken for the adjustment of affairs. The orders relative to a reduction of the army, will be found under ARMY OPERATIONS. The orders opening the Southern ports to trade, are stated under CoмMERCIAL INTERCOURSE. By a proclamation of

President Johnson, under date of April 24tlı the 1st of June was observed as a day of hu

miliation on account of the death of President Lincoln. The following is an extract:

Therefore, In order to mitigate that grief on earth, which can only be assuaged by communion with Our Father in Heaven, and in compliance with the wishes of Senators and Representatives in Congress communicated to me by resolution adopted at the National Capitol:

I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do hereby appoint Thursday, the 25th day of May next, to be observed wherever the United States flag may be respected, as a day of humiliation and mourning, and recommend my fellow-citizens there to assemble in their respective places of worship, there to unite in solemn services to Almighty God, in memory of the good man who has been removed, so that all shall be occupied at the same time in contemplation of his virtues, and sorrow for his sudden and violent

end.

On the 2d of May, President Johnson issued another proclamation, offering a reward for certain persons, as follows:

Whereas, it appears from evidence in the bureau of Military Justice, that the atrocious murder of the assassination of the Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary late President, Abraham Lincoln, and the attempted of State, were incited, concerted, and procured by and between Jefferson Davis, late of Richmond, Va., and Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, George N. Saunders, W. C. Cleary, and other rebels and traitors against the Government of the United States, harbored in Canada:

Now, therefore, to the end that justice may be done, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do offer and promise for the arrest of said persons or either of them, within the limits of the United States. so that they can be brought to trial, the following

rewards: $100,000 for the arrest of Jefferson Davis, $25,000 for the arrest of Jacob Thompson, late of Mississippi, $25,000 for the arrest of George N. Saunders, 825,000 for the arrest of Beverly Tucker, and $10,000 for the arrest of William C. Cleary, late clerk of Clement C. Clay. The Provost Marshal General of the United States is directed to cause a description of said persons with notice of the above rewards to be published.

On May 9th, another proclamation was issued, declaring that the United States would refuse hospitality to such nations as gave hospitality to Confederate cruisers or their officers and men, after a reasonable time shall have elapsed for the proclamation to become known.

from all travellers entering the United States, On June 224, the order requiring passports was rescinded.

On May 29th, the President issued his procla mation stating the terms by which the people of the Southern States could be restored to their civil rights as citizens of the United States, thus:

Whereas, The President of the United States, on the 8th day of December, A. D. eighteen hundred and sixty-three, and on the 26th day of March, A. D. eighteen hundred and sixty-four, did, with the object to suppress the existing rebellion, to induce all persons to return to their loyalty, and to restore the authority of the United States, issue proclamations offering amnesty and pardon to certain persons who had directly or by implication participated in the said rebellion; and

Subsequently changed to June 1st, because the 95th was "sacred to a large number of Christians as one of rejoicing fir the ascension of our Saviour."

Whereas, Many persons who had so engaged in said rebellion have, since the issuance of said proc. lamations, failed or neglected to take the benefits offered thereby; and

Whereas, Many persons who have been justly deprived of all claim to amnesty and pardon thereunder, by reason of their participation directly or by impli cation in said rebellion, and continued in hostility to the Government of the United States since the date of said proclamation, now desire to apply for and obtain amnesty and pardon:

To the end, therefore, that the authority of the Government of the United States may be restored, and that peace, order, and freedom may be reestab lished, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do proclaim and declare that I hereby grant to all persons who have directly or indirectly participated in the existing rebellion, except as herein after excepted, amnesty and pardon, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves, and except in cases where legal proceedings under the laws of the United States providing for the confiscation of property of persons engaged in rebellion have been instituted; but on the condition, nevertheless, that every such person shall take and subscribe the following oath or affirmation, and thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate, and which oath shall be registered for permanent preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit:

do solemnly swear, or affirm, in presence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support and defend the Constitution of the United States and the Union of the States thereunder, and that I will, in like man

ner, abide by and faithfully support all laws and proclamations which have been made during the existing rebellion with reference to the emancipation of slaves, so help me God.

The following classes of persons are excepted from the benefits of this proclamation:

1. All who are or shall have been pretended civil or diplomatic officers, or otherwise domestic or foreign agents, of the pretended Confederate Govern

ment.

2. All who left judicial stations under the United States to aid the rebellion.

3. All who shall have been military or naval officers of said pretended Confederate Government above the rank of colonel in the army or lieutenant in the navy.

4. All who left seats in the Congress of the United

States to aid the rebellion.

5. All who resigned or tendered resignations of their commissions in the army or navy of the United States to evade duty in resisting the rebellion.

6. All who have engaged in any way in treating otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war persons found in the United States service as officers, soldiers, seamen, or in other capacities.

7. All persons who have been or are absentees from the United States for the purpose of aiding the

rebellion.

8. All military and naval officers in the rebel service who were educated by the Government in the Military Academy at West Point or the United States Naval Academy.

United States.

9. All persons who held the pretended offices of Governors of States in insurrection against the 10. All persons who left their homes within the jurisdiction and protection of the United States, and passed beyond the Federal military lines into the socalled Confederate States, for the purpose of aiding 11. All persons who have been engaged in the destruction of the commerce of the United States upon the high seas, and all persons who have made raids into the United States from Canada, or been engaged in destroying the commerce of the United States upon the lakes and rivers that separate the British Prov

the rebellion.

inces from the United States.

12. All persons who, at the time when they seek to

obtain the benefits hereof by taking the oath herein prescribed, are in military, naval, or civil confinement or custody, or under bonds of the civil, military, or naval authorities or agents of the United States as prisoners of war, or persons detained for offences of any kind either before or after conviction.

13. All persons who have voluntarily participated in said rebellion, and the estimated value of whose taxable property is over twenty thousand dollars.

14. All persons who have taken the oath of amnesty as prescribed in the President's proclamation of De cember 8, A. D. 1863, or an oath of allegiance to the Government of the United States since the date of said proclamation, and who have not thenceforward kept and maintained the same inviolate--provided, that special application may be made to the President for pardon by any person belonging to the excepted classes, and such clemency will be liberally extended as may be consistent with the facts of the case and the peace and dignity of the United States.

The Secretary of State will establish rules and regulations for administering and recording the said amnesty oath, so as to insure its benefit to the people, and guard the Government against fraud.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, the twenty-ninth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. ANDREW JOHNSON.

At the same time an order issued from the State Department saying that the oath prescribed in the proclamation might be taken and subscribed before any commissioned officer, civil, military, or naval, in the service of the United States, or any military or civil officer of a loyal State or Territory, who, by the laws thereof, might be qualified for administering oaths. All officers who received such oaths were authorized to give certified copies thereof to persons respectively by whom they were made, and such officers were required to transmit the original to the department where they the department, and on application, in proper were deposited. A register thereof is kept in cases, certificates are issued of such records in the customary form of official certificates. Refusing entirely to recognize the authority of any person holding a civil office in the States while at war against the Federal Government, President Johnson subsequently appointed Provisional Governors for the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas, with authority to assemble in the State delegates elected by the people who had taken the amnesty oath, or who had opposed secession, in convention, and amend and alter the State constitution, reappoint or designate local officers, and secure the election of State officers and a Legislature and members of Congress under the amended constitutions. If this reorganization was sustained and approved by the mass of the people, the State civil government became established in unison with the Federal Union. If it was not so sustained, a military force was at hand to lend the necessary support. Such was the plan of the President. It was peacefully acquiesced in by the inhabitants of those States, as stated in other pages of this volume

For