earnest to do his duty it seemed probable that Providence would communicate its purpose to him, rather than to another. But he added, "These are not the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted I am not to expect a direct revelation. must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right."

I

The President argued again before the deputation all the difficulties that beset the issue of the proclamation: the lack of unity in its favour among anti-slavery men; its possible ineffectiveness if issued

"like the Pope's bull against the Comet "-seeing that it would only affect the regions which were not yet occupied by Federal troops; the difficulty of insuring permanence of liberty to slaves liberated by military force. He felt clear now, that he had the constitutional right to issue the Proclamation for military purposes; but would it really effect those purposes? He said that he gravely doubted it. Yet he declared the matter was on his mind "by day and night more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do," said he.

The deputation returned disappointed to Chicago. Nine days later, M'Clellan having defeated Lee at Antietam, Lincoln issued his proclamation.

The Cabinet Meeting in the President's plain office at the White House, held at noon on that memorable Monday, has been described by Secretary Chase. All the members attended, and Lincoln opened the sitting by reading a short but outrageous chapter1 from Artemus Ward. Stanton, who was volcanically "High Handed Outrage at Utica."

earnest, showed his disapproval at this proceeding, plainly enough.

Having had his laugh, in which the rest of his Cabinet joined, and thus having relieved his spirits of their strain, the President grew becomingly grave, and referring to their previous meeting on the same subject, and the cause for postponing the Proclamation, said. that he considered the time was come at last. "When the rebel army was at Frederick, I determined," he said, "as soon as it should be driven out of Maryland to issue a proclamation of emancipation, such as I thought most likely to be useful. I said nothing to anyone; but I made the promise to myself, and "-hesitating a little "to my Maker. The rebel army is now driven out and I am going to fulfil that promise."

He added, in conclusion, that though he realised that he was not the best possible man for the position he held, yet he was in that position, and though he had lost something of popular confidence, yet he could not put anyone into his place in whom the people had greater trust. I am here. I must do the best I can, and bear the responsibility of taking the course which I feel I ought to take."

How grave he felt that responsibility, which he did not pretend that even his Cabinet could share, and how he shrank from accepting it, we have already seen. How nearly it brought disaster to the Republican cause, the autumn elections with their striking Democratic victories in the great Northern States tell only too plainly.1 Indeed Horace Greeley

1 There were however other contributing causes for these defeats, amongst which may be mentioned Stanton's arbitrary military measures taken in the President's name. See 272 n.

who exclaimed, on seeing the Proclamation, "hencefort hand forever we shall be a free people," afterwards declared that it was issued at least nine months before it was justified by public opinion. There was a long succession of dark days for the President, days in which he had need of all his courage and faith.

"What I did, I did after a very full deliberation, and under a very heavy and solemn sense of responsibility," he said in answer to congratulations; adding, "I can only trust in God I have made no mistake." At the end of the month he said, in reply to an address from the Society of Friends delivered to him by a deputation at the White House, "I am glad of this interview, and glad to know that I have your sympathy and prayers. . . . In the very responsible position in which I happen to be placed, being a humble instrument in the hands of our Heavenly Father, as I am, and as we all are, to work out His great purposes, I have desired that all my works and acts may be according to His Will, and that it might be so, I have sought His aid.

And about the same time he wrote, probably as a private memorandum for his own eye alone: "The Will of God prevails. In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is something different from the purpose of either party; and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are of the best adaptation to effect His purpose." He meditated much on the enigma of the situation: "by His mere great power on the minds of the now contestants," God could have brought the struggle to an end-" yet the contest proceeds."

These passages well indicate the spiritual stress of