Breckenridge vs.
Douglas.

ritorial condition, to exclude property in Slaves.

held to the authority and
power of a Territorial Le-
gislature, pending the Ter-solidating every day, and one of the calami-
ties of the time was its arraying itself in
solid phalanx on its distinctive principles in
the face of tremendous events. If it gives up
a fort it does so with tears, and declares that
it is done not for civil but for "military rea-
sons." For the government, the most radical
and aggressive men have been selected. For
the Cabinet, for foreign missions, for Senators
and other officers, the most radical men have
been chosen. The Senate had been confirm-
ing every day men who have trampled the
Constitution under their feet, and refused to
recognize the obligation to return fugitives
from labor-men who have boasted, on the
floor of the House of Representatives and
elsewhere, that they had been personally con-
cerned in running off Slaves. This evidence
looks in any other direction than that of
yielding any of the aggressive or distinctive
features of the Republican party. This is the
cause which had sundered this Confederacy,
and if not remedied would sunder it still
more.

calculated to mislead. It seemed to him that
the Republican party was hardening and con-

The Senator from Illinois had committed a great error in saying the Republicans had ever abandoned any of their essential principles. Was it not strange that the Senator alone was aware of such an important fact? Were Virginia and the obstinate Confederate States aware of this fact? and, he might ask, were the Republicans aware of it? It was glorious if it was true; would that it were so! No man would hail it with more delight than himself. What was the evidence of this great conversion? Some weeks ago the Territories of Nevada, Colorado and Dacotah were organized by Congress without saying anything in regard to African Slavery. There was nothing in this to show that the Republicans have abandoned the "essential principles" of their party. They did not possess the power to put anti-Slavery professions into these bills. It was said by Republicans that they have no risk in the omission. If they had supplied it, the President could have vetoed the bills. The Republicans were only anxious to have the Territories organized, that they might have a share of the government property, and make appointments of officers, etc., and this was | heralded to the world to show that the Republicans have perfected principles of patriot-recognized in any Territory of the United ism and abandoned their "essential principles," and that the South have obtained more than they ever asked for. He would ask the Republicans here, whether they have abandoned any of the distinctive principles of their platform? Collamer, of Vermont, answered the query: consolidating their power, and have been "Not that we are aware of. "

He charged that it was the purpose and · design of the Republican organization to exclude, directly or indirectly, from every Territory, every citizen of every Southern State who desired to carry with him there his Slave property. In other words, the Republicans do not intend that Slave property shall be

States. These are the principles of the Republican party, and unless the people drive them from power they will carry their prin ciples into execution. We have been looking since the 4th of March on a disrupted Confederacy. While seven States have been

looking at the discontents in other States, those of the border had been earnestly endeavoring to bring about a reunion of the States. Yet, he deeply regretted to say, he had seen no evidence on the Republican side to meet these endeavors half-way. The Border Slave States cannot reunite this Confederacy. The majority of the non-Slaveholding States alone have the power to do so, and he expressed the opinion with grief but with a firm conviction, that, unless with

DOUGLAS' RETORT.

Douglas' Retort.

53

of Colorado, Nevada, and
Dacotah had been organ-
ized on the basis of the
Kansas-Nebraska bill. All those Territories
were organized on the principle of non-inter-
vention by Congress, leaving the people to
decide the Slavery question as they pleased,
subject only to the limitation of the Constitu-
tion, and leaving the courts to ascertain what
the limitation is. This is all the South have
ever asked. The Republicans have aban-
doned the Wilmot proviso and congressional
intervention, and repudiate congressional
prohibition of Slavery. The Senator would
not deny that. He did not ask the Senator
from Kentucky to say that the Republicans
have abandoned all their essential prin-
ciples. He did not ask him to do anything

in a short time the Republicans manifest a spirit to give the "equality" which the Border Slave States claim, the question will be solved in one of these ways: we may drift into civil strife, if the people are allowed no opportunity to speak; if we have not civil strife, then a peaceful separation by treaty. If the Republican statesmen and their friends remain firm, rigid, and determined, there can be no other result than to drive the Border Slave States into a union with the Confederate States, in the belief that the government represents the true principles of the old Federal system. If the Border Slave States hold a Convention, which seemed probable, and the people of the non-Slaveholding States deem it their duty to reject such propositions as may be essential, then, the disruption of the. Union will be inevitable to | to promote their interests. He (Douglas) the extent of fifteen States, and at no distant day the new Confederacy will be the largest on this continent.

Douglas' Retort.

did not believe in the political creed of that party, and did not believe that the best interests of the country would be promoted by the exercise of their power; still, he preferred the Union under a Republican Administration to none at all. Inasmuch as it was true that they have recognized the rights of the South in the Territories, and have not attempted to repeal the Slave code of New Mexico, this fact should be proclaimed by every loyal Union man. He demanded that every fact and truth that could be uttered, should be uttered by every man to allay sectional strife, to calm the irritation in the Slaveholding States, and to restore reason in order that we may hereafter succeed in securing such constitutional guarantees as shall prevent civil strife, and restore the Union. He then proceeded to show from the Inaugural that Mr. Lincoln acknowledged the duty of Federal protection to Slave property, that it was the duty of Congress to pass laws affording such protection, and that it is the duty of the Federal officers to execute the laws. Hence, the Senator from Kentucky mistook when he said that there was no instance in which Federal protection would not be afforded.

To this Mr. Douglas answered, evidently with the design of forcing his old antagonist to the direct question of Union or Disunion. He repeated his former points, and reaffirmed that the Slave-holding. States had no complaint to make. They have got their just proportion and just rights in all the Territories of the United States. He could not conceal his surprise that the Senator from Kentucky denied all the positions he had assumed. The Senator, after saying that, if the Border Slave States could not get one of the propositions laid down by him, | and having insisted that there was no hope in this particular, remarked "that Kentucky, from mountain peak to mountain peak, and from every valley and smiling plain, would ring forth the cry of justice and equality." His (Douglas') object was to demonstrate that there was no cause for such action, and that Kentucky had justice and equality in the Territories, according to the tests prescribed by the Senator himself, and that there is an equitable division on the line of thirty-seven, a half-degree further North than Breckenridge, being thus Mr. Crittenden's proposition claimed. The pointedly assailed, again Senator from Kentucky had not attempted | took the floor for reply. to disprove this. He was too prudent to He reiterated that he had seen no evidence of make the attempt. He knew the Territories the Republicans having abandoned their

Breckenridge's Re

tort

Breckenridge's Re

tort.

that, although Brecken- Douglas Last Word.
ridge would not go back
and tell his constituents that the people of
the Slave States stood in a better position
than ever, as regarded their rights in the
Territories, the fact still remained as he
(Douglas) had stated it, and the desire of his
heart was that the people of Kentucky, and
of every State in the Union, should be made
aware of it. He, too, desired to put the
Republican party out of power, but he would
not foster unkind feelings in the South for
party purposes. He would tell the truth
about the Republican party, even if it oper-
ated to their credit.

principles. The Senator- | from power, in order that these questions who by turns had been the might be adjusted on constitutional principles. eulogist and denouncer of Douglas retorted saying, the Republicans—said they had acted in a spirit of patriotic devotion to the whole country, and desired to give equal rights to all the States; that they had particularly abandoned their principles as to Slavery in the Territories. He would not charge the Senator with the purpose to misrepresent him, but that Senator called attention to two paragraphs in his (Breckenridge's) speech. He said that he (Breckenridge) had declared that the Border Slave States could not remain in the Union except on equal terms, or without an equitable division, and that the South had no right to believe that they would receive the protection and recognition they ask. Now, the inference to be drawn from this was, that he (Breckenridge) was in favor of precipitating Kentucky out of the Union. The Senator from Illinois had given a slight twist to his language. He (Breckenridge) did say, on more than one occasion, that the dominant party had manifested, by the acts of their representatives, that they will not abolish Slavery in the States; that, as equal States, they could not remain in the Union when the property of all of them was not to be recognized or protected.

The Union was broken already, and, unless some energetic, manly efforts were made to settle the question on broad national principles, the Union will be broken still further. It could not be saved by persuading the people that the Republicans have abandoned the principles to which they still adhere. Such a declaration was calculated to produce apprehension and injurious effect. President Lincoln recognizes a qualified property in Slave labor within the Slave States; but, at the same time, he, in his Inaugural, recognizes the enunciation of the Chicago Platform, that the normal condition of all the Territories is freedom, &c. This is the conviction and principle of the majority on this floor, as well as of the President himself and his party. Was it not, therefore, belittling to say that the Republicans have abandoned their essential principles, when all their machinery is leveled against Slavery? He would be glad to see the Republicans driven

Breckenridge suggested that Douglas now ask the Republicans here the reason for omitting, in the Territorial bills, any allusion to, or prohibition of, Slavery. Douglas answered that, as already stated by himself, they had so acted from patriotic considerations to prevent a further disruption of the He wanted to crush down every Union. He wanted to Disunionist in Kentucky. strengthen his (Breckenridge's) hands. The Senator had told them of his devotion to the Union, and he (Douglas) wanted to save the country and the valuable services of the Senator from Kentucky for the next six years. And, he repeated, that he wanted to strengthen his hands and the hands of every other man, and to show that Kentucky is safe, even under a Republican Administration, and to put down secession in every other State of the Union.

The yeas and nays were finally called on a motion to lay the Douglas resolution of inquiry on the table. It resulted in yeas 23, nays 11. So the resolution was tabled. Breckenridge then asked leave to offer the following:

Resolved, That the Senate recommend and advise the re

Sundry Significant

moval of the United States Resolves. troops from the limits of the Confederate States." Clingman had also prepared one, covering the same ground, which he offered, viz. :

'Resolved, That, in the opinion of the Senate, it is expedient that the President withdraw all Federal troops from the States of South Carolina, Georgia,

CABINET DISCUSSION ON THE QUESTION OF EVACUATION. 55

Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Texas, and Louis-enforcement, whether under the name of iana, and abstain from all attempts to collect revenues in these States."

Both resolutions were laid over, to be debated the day following. The wish to adjourn made many Senators unwilling to consider the resolutions at length, fearing a protracted debate on the question of advising and directing the President.

On Thursday (March 28th) Trumbull, of Illinois, introduced a resolution declaring that, in the opinion of the Senate, the true way to preserve the Union is to enforce the laws of the Union; that resistance to their

anti-coercion or any other name, is disunion; and that it is the duty of the President to use all the means in his power to hold and protect the public property of the United States, and enforce the laws thereof, as well in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, and Texas, as within the other States of the Union.

This was briefly discussed, but the desire to adjourn overrode this and the other resolutions introduced. The Senate adjourned sine die at four o'clock.

CHAPTER VI.

LINCOLN'S CABINET ON THE EVACUATION OF FORT SUMTER. THE PRESIDENT'S COURSE.

THE

AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING '' SOUTHERN CONTEMPT OF NORTHERN

A SPECIMEN OF DISUNION FALSEHOOD. ITS MORAL.

CONDITION OF FORT PICKENS. LINCOLN'S MESSENGER S то FORT SUMTER. STATE OF PUBLIC FEELING. TIONAL UNITY.""

NA

MEN.

Cabinet discussion of the question of Evacuation.

The news from Washing- |tion was first presented, they agree as to the ton, March 14th, was calcu-stern necessity which is urged as the only lated to excite profound justification for a recourse which, in the best aspect, seems to involve a certain degree of national humiliation. The unity of the Cabi

interest. A dispatch stated: "Two sessions of the Cabinet have been held upon the final determination concerning Fort Sumter.net, however, will not be affected by the opThe first met at 10 o'clock and adjourned at 1, and reconvened at 4 and adjourned at 7. It is well understood that there is a decided difference of opinion among the members on this question, which first found expression at the conference on Saturday night, when the military reports, advising the withdrawal, were submitted. That difference was emphasized to day in very positive terms, and led to a protracted discussion. While members of the Cabinet disagree as to this policy, and have done so since the proposi

posing views on this subject, which has now assumed a shape that admits of but one solution, for which General Scott and his military associates are wholly responsible. Nothing remains now to be done after these concluding deliberations, but to issue the formal orders, which have been approved by the highest authority. The particular mode of withdrawing Major Anderson's force has yet to be determined. General Scott's inclination, two days ago, was to send them to New York by steamer, which would save the necessity of

passing through Charleston.

may, however, be changed before the last order is given. No messenger has yet been sent to Major Anderson in regard to this matter, as the newspapers have reported. He has, however, been prepared for a decisive communication from the War Department, since he made a detailed report last week, showing the limited stock of supplies in Fort Sumter."

Opposition to an
Evacuation.

That purpose | sponsibility" even though the course pursued
was not in consenance with that advised by
his Cabinet or expected by the public. The
Sumter complication illustrated this self-reli-
When the
ance, in a remarkable manner.
country had, apparently, made up its mind
to see the beleaugered band of loyalists march
out of the fastness which kept the sacrilege-
ous horde of Union-breakers at bay, the
President was silent. Day and night the
deed was present to his mind; and slowly, as
the biscuits and meat of the garrison pro-
vision-chest grew low day by day, the thought
took form which was to give him the hearts
and hands of a united people in exchange for
the loss of that fastness, at once the Key to

This states the condition of the question of evacuation, so far as related to the discussions within the Cabinet. The withdrawal of the garrison having been determined upon, as a military necessity," it seemingly only remained for the President to permit the dispatch of the order for evacuation to be sent | Charleston and the portal of hope to the lover to consummate the step declared necessary. | of his country. The public in the Northern States became Whatever was to be the fortune of Sumter, reconciled to the decision, so far as its intense feeling would permit. Still, there were not wanting many who regarded the surrender of the post, under menace not only as a national humiliation, but as a positive confession of the weakness of the Goverment. By this class the evacuation was pronounced a virtual surrender to revolution. In the Senate the decision found several most uncompromising opponents-among them Wade, of Ohio, Wilson, of Massachusetts, and Trumbull, of Illinois—all of whom freely expressed their opposition to the withdrawal of Major Anderson. Whatever may have been their influence with the President, if any, it is certain that the Executive did not accede to the “military necessity," for days grew into weeks, and yet the missive of humiliation did not go forth.

Condition of Fort

Pickens.

it became apparent that the remaining forts in possession of the General Government were to be retained, at all hazards. The statements made by Senator Clingman, in the debate on the message, that warlike preparations were going on at the Navy Yard, were not without foundation. Several vessels, as early as March 10th, had passed South to reinforce those fortifications still in the hands of the Government troops. Sumter alone seemed left to its solitary fate. Pickens, under command of Lieutenant Slemmer, was rapidly approaching a state of efficiency for action. That gallant officer had, by his loyalty, saved the fortress from the hands of the revolutionists. When those in command at the Navy Yard were rejoicing over the hauling down of the Stars and Stripes, he had hastily evacuated Fort McRae, and, passing over to PickIn this instance, and in ens, there resolved to resist the conspirators others of eminent and vital to the last. His conduct stands out in satisimportance, the President factory contrast to that of Commander showed a quiet and cautious independence Farrand, and Lieutenant Renshaw. After of judgment which rendered it certain that the occupancy of Pickens, the little force at the Chief Magistrate was one of those men his command were put to the severest labor having both a will and a way of his own. in rendering the fortress tenable. In this he Solicitous for the opinions of those best quali- was assisted by marines from the vessels-offied to give advice, patient in obtaining in- war lying off in the harbor. By March 15th formation, watchful of the currents of public the fort was deemed capable of resisting the feeling, Mr. Lincoln was slow in forming his assault then hourly threatened by General judgment; but, when once the way seemed Bragg, the Confederate commander, who, for clear, he did not hesitate to "assume the re-weeks, had been making extensive prepara

The President's Deliberation.