to suspend hostilities till the meeting of Congress, met with no success, and asks that all party feeling be extinguished, and that Kentucky maintain the peace, honor and safety of her citizens. This fell upon a LegisGovernor Magoffin. lature neither disloyal nor weak. The State was soon legislated into an “armed neutrality," as at first advised by Messrs. Crittenden, Guthrie, and others of the "Old Court" party leaders—those men who, in the terrible State convulsions of 1821-25, sustained the regularly constituted and legitimate Courts against an attempted revolution. The course of events, however, ere long bore away that barrier to the State's active loyalty, when none were more earnest in making common cause with the country than Crittenden and his old Whig coadjutors; while the disloyal followed Breckenridge, who preserved the semblance of obedience to his oath only to sit in the councils of the nation at Washington to intrigue and spy for the South ern cause. Magoffin's "Neutrality" Proclamation. May 20th, Governor Magoffin issued his proclamation of neutrality, reciting the facts of the existence of a "horrid, unnatural and lamentable strife," for which Kentucky was not responsible either by thought, word or deed," and declaring: their law-givers. Major Anderson, the hero of Fort Sumter, a Kentuckian, had been solicited by his fellow-citizens to assume command of a Kentucky brigade. At the date of the proclamation arrangements were perfected for the enrollment of Kentucky's full quota which Anderson was to lead. Its first duty was to watch the hordes overrunning Tennessee, and to see that Buckner and Magoffin did not betray the Commonwealth as Tennessee had been betrayed by her infamously disloyal authorities. Attitude of the The Legislature (May 22d) refused to accept the proclamation of the Governor as embodying a relation of the true position which the State should hold toward the Confederate and United States Governments. This was blow number one at "neutrality.” The Senate rejected the House bill appropriating three millions to arm the State. This was blow number two. An act was passed amending the Militia law so as to compel the State Guards to take the oath of loyalty, swearing to support the Constitution of the United States and of Kentucky. This was blow number three. It virtually killed neutrality. In the Senate, on the 22d, Mr. Rosseau* made a firm, eloquent, out-spoken speech in behalf of active co-operation with the Federal Government. His declarations indicated "Now, therefore, I hereby notify and warn all other States, separate or united, especially the United and Confederate States, that I solemnly for- the half-repressed sympa Rosseau's Union Speech. bid any movement upon Kentucky soil, or occupathies and hopes of two-thirds of his people. tion of any post or place therein, for any purpose We may extract as follows, to indicate the whatever, until authorized by invitation or permis- views entertained, at at that time, by the unqualified Unionists: sion of the legislative and executive authorities. I especially forbid all citizens of Kentucky, whether incorporated in the State Guard or otherwise, making any hostile demonstrations against any of the aforesaid sovereignties, to be obedient to the orders of lawful authorities, to remain quietly and peaceably at home, when off military duty, and refrain from all words and acts likely to provoke a collision, and so otherwise conduct that the deplorable calamity of invasion may be averted; but, meanwhile, make prompt and efficient preparation to assume to the paramount and supreme law of self-defense, and strictly of self-defense alone." All this, at the first view, looked decidedly inimical; and, indeed, was so, as far as a Governor's proclamation was law; but, the people were truer to their own interests than "When Kentucky goes down, it will be in blood. Let that be understood. She will not go as other States have gone. Let the responsibility rest on you, where it belongs. It is all your work, and whatever happens will be your work. We have more right to defend our Government than you have to overturn it. Many of us are sworn to support it. Let our good Union brethren at the South stand their ground. I know that many patriotic hearts in the Seceded States still beat warmly for the old Union-the old flag. The time will come when we shall all be together again. The politicians are hav * Afterwards the gallant Union General, whose Kentucky brigade at Pittsburg Landing performed such signal service. Joseph Holt's Letter. Address to Kentucky will be burned, our people will be slain, and this goodly land be re-baptized 'the land of blood.' State to suppress rebellion | ders. Let those hostile armies and treason-rebuked, with meet on our soil, and it will much severity, the proclaimed "neutrality" matter but little to us which may succeed, for deof Kentucky, and censured the course of those struction to us will be the inevitable result. Our whose fears prevented them from doing their fields will be laid waste, our houses and cities duty in the crisis. The letter was printed at length in several leading Union journals, and was, also, issued in pamphlet form. It thus found its way to all sections of the State, and, commanding very general attention, proved one of the most powerful silent influences brought to bear in centralizing opinion to the point of active co-operation against the rebellion. Tennessee Menacing Kentucky. If any thing was wanting to arouse the patriotism of the people, it was found in the menacing attitude of Tennessee. As early as May 20th, troops in large numbers began to rendezvous along the border—at Fountain | Head, Springfield, Mitchellville and near Union City; while, the gathering at Nashville of a force sufficient to " open a way through to Louisville," indicated, more clearly than ever, the design of "compelling Kentucky to compelling Kentucky to assume her true position in the Southern movement." If Kentucky remained independent she would require not only the arms of her own people, but also the co-operation of the General Government. And even the institution to preserve or control which this wretched war was undertaken, will be exterminated in the general ruin. Such is the evil that others will bring upon us, no matter which side we take, if this is to be the battle-field. But there is danger at home, even more appalling than any that comes from beyond. People of Kentucky, look well to it that you do not get to fighting among yourselves, for then, indeed, you will find, that it is an ill fight where he that wins has the worst of it. Endeavor to be of one mind, and strive to keep the State steady in her present position. Hold fast to that sheet anchor of republican liberty, that the will of the majority, constitutionally and legally expressed, must govern. You have, in the election by which this Convention was chosen, displayed a unanimity unparalleled in your history. May you be as unanimous in the future; may your majorities be so decided that a refusal to obey may be justly called factious. Trust and love one another. Avoid angry strife. Frown upon the petty ambition of demagogues who would stir up bad passions among you. Consider, as wise men, what is necessary for your own best interests, and in humble submission, trust and look to that Almighty Being who has hitherto so signally blessed us as a nation, for His guid ance through the gloom and darkness of this hour." The address to the People of the United States was an elaborate appeal for peacepatriotic in its tone, yet ambiguous on the point of duty; for, while it deprecated war, it said: "It is proper for us to say that, in our opinion the Constitution delegates to no one department of the Government, nor to all of them combined, the power to destroy the Government itself, as would be done by the division of the country into separate confede tain the Constitution of the United States and to preserve the Union unimpaired.” The proceedings culminated in two ad-racies, and that the obligation exists to maindresses—one to the People of Kentucky and one to the People of the United States. The first discussed at considerable length the position of the State in the controversy pending. Its terms will be inferred from this closing paragraph: Already one section declares that there will be no war at home, but that it shall be in Kentucky and Virginia. Already the cannon and bayonets of an other section are visible on our most exposed bor If the obligation existed to "maintain the Constitution of the United States and to preserve the Union unimpaired,” why did that Convention pettifog Kentucky into a condition of “neutrality”—of indifference to obligations and solemn duty? The address was also an appeal. The closing portions read: 'May we not earnestly hope that you, the people, sonal, not official. He said: "I made no | publish some tangible excuse for his defection, stipulation on the part of the General Government, and regarded his voluntary promise to drive out the Confederate troops as the only result of the interview." Buckner's course, in soon after joining the Confederate cause, bearing with him all the Kentucky troops over whom he exerted any influence, gives us the key to the "views" which he entertained of the interview referred to. He wished to and found it in the assumed bad faith of the General Government in not carrying out the arrangement which he had made with McClellan! He had quaffed too deeply at the fountain of Jefferson Davis and John C. Breckenridge, and ceased to be the soul of honor when he became the instrument of Southern dishonor. He lived long enough to read his errors and feel his disgrace. CHAPTER XIV. THE CAMPAIGN OPENED. OCCUPATION OF VIRGINIA. DEATH OF ELLSWORTH. REBEL MALIGNITY. BEAUREGARD'S INFAMOUS MCDOWELL IN COMMAND. SCOTT'S PLAN OF WAR. LIEUTENANT TOMPKINS' GALLANT DASH AT FAIROPERATIONS OF GENERAL BUTLER. PROCLAMATION. THE FAX C. H. Plans of the Belligerents. THE gathering of troops at Washington and Richmond to the majority of observers was, after all, a mystery. The “defense of Washington" did not require so vast an army as rendezvoused there in May; nor was the immense aggregation of Southern forces at Richmond, at the same time, explained by the declared policy of the Confederates" to resist invasion." If the Federals did not intend invasion, and the Confederates did not design to attack the Capital, the novice in the art of war might well askthen why the armies? There was wisdom in this careful avoidance of the first aggressive step. Notwithstanding the offenses already committed by the revolutionists against the United States Government, and the menacing attitude of their armies, the Federal Administration evidently preferred to allow the hot-heads to commit the first act of hostilities direct. There was not much delay in that act. With twenty-five thou Plans of the Belligerents. | sand rash, insolent and violent men-the "flower of the Southern youth" — in arms, rest and a bloodless duty were simply · impossible. By May 15th the reconnoissances and surveys made by the enemy, of the Virginia territory opposite Washington, made it apparent that the heights at Arlington, Alexandria, and the hills above Georgetown, were to be occupied. The aggregation of troops at Harper's Ferry was followed by their occupation of the hills opposite, in Maryland. The ferry at Williamsport was commanded by a large detachment of Virginia and South Carolina troops, May 19th, preparatory to crossing. Attempts were also made to seize the ferry boats near Clear Spring, and at other points-all looking to an invasion of Maryland to co-operate with an arranged uprising in Baltimore. The plan of the rebels, it af terwards appeared, was to pass around Washington, after securing the surrounding points against approach; then to precipitate the |