over into Buckingham. Nothing better illustrates the name and character of Virginia than the lives of those three eminent Governors of the State-Smith, Wise, and Floyd. Although old men, they all three entered the army, and led the youth of their State where the battle raged hottest. Some years after this I served with Governor Smith in the Legislature, and learned to love and admire him more and more.

Passing through Buckingham, a citizen showed me a tree on the roadside, just beyond the court-house, where General Lee had slept on his way to Richmond the previous night. That evening, after we had crossed over into Amelia, we met some Yankee marauders, who, presenting pistols, halted us and wanted to know whether we were bushwhackers. They informed us that they had just taken a pistol from a Confederate colonel in front of us. This colonel proved to be my good friend, Major W. F. C. Gregory, of Wise's staff. They wound up by insisting on our taking a drink in token of amity, which we reluctantly did, and one of the scoundrels actually hugged me. If he had been an honest Federal soldier I should have minded it less, but for this camp-follower to hug me was all I could bear. The next day, when nearing home, I saw a plow stopped in the midst of a furrow and a negro plowman lying behind the plow asleep, with his face upturned to the broiling sun. Here was a picture of freedom to the negro. Reaching home in a few days, we thought best to go to Burkeville and get our paroles. On the way there I passed a good old man whom I had known from my boyhood, Mr. Stephen Harper, going to the same place, with a bag in his hand to get rations. He had been a wealthy man, but the enemy had destroyed and stolen all he had, leaving him without food. Here was a picture of the desolation of old Virginia.

As we passed through the railroad cut, near Burkeville, the Yankees lined the track on either side, and one fellow told us we were d- -d stragglers. I told him if I had had the pleasure of his acquaintance a few days before I should have been happy to argue the question, but just then I begged to be excused. The more honorable ones shamed him and bade him hold his peace. We obtained our paroles and resumed the cares and duties of citizenship. I got me some more law books, and, thanks to my fellow-Virginians, have never wanted for clients from that day to this.

GEO. J. HUNdley.

[From the Daily Charlotte (N. C.) Observer, January 5, 1896.]

A SECRET SESSION DEBATE

OF THE

North Carolina Secession Convention of 1862.

Dr. Kemp B. Battle, a Delegate to the Convention, Makes Public for the First Time Proceedings of a Very Important Meeting of Our War-Time History-The Debate Centered on What to Do With Our Slaves, Eastern North Carolina Having Been Captured by the Federals—A Bitter Feeling Manifest in the Discus

sion Between Former Union Men

and the Secessionists.

The following paper was read before the North Carolina Historical Society, at Chapel Hill, at the meeting held November, 1895:

Roanoke Island was captured by an overwhelming Union force on the 8th of February, 1862. Hatteras had been in their possession since the 29th of August of the preceding year. All the counties of the State bordering on Albemarle Sound were exposed to their raids.

On the 22d of February, 1862, Mr. William S. Pettigrew, the delegate from Washington county to the convention of the State, usually known as the Secession Convention, appeared in his seat, and asked for a secret session, which was granted. I was one of the delegates from Wake county, and took rough notes of the ensuing debate, and will give its substance. I will first briefly describe the speakers.

Mr. Pettigrew, a brother of the distinguished general, J. Johnston Pettigrew, now a minister of the Protestant Episcopal Church, was then owner of two of the most beautiful plantations in the South, Magnolia and Belgrade, large in area, fertile, surrounded by swamps, yet healthy. His numerous slaves were most kindly treated, religiously trained, contented and happy. His manner of speaking was very deliberate, polished, earnest and most impressive.

Mr. Fenner B. Satterthwaite, member from Beaufort county, was a born orator. The most eloquent speech I heard in that body of great men was from him. He was one of the leaders of one of the strongest bars in the State.

Mr. Kenneth Rayner, delegate from Hertford county, had been for years a conspicuous politician. He spoke always with vehemence, and was occasionally so fiery as to appear excited by anger.

Dr. Rufus K. Speed, of Elizabeth City, was such an impressive speaker that he was selected by the Whig party as candidate to be elector-at-large on purpose to meet the Democratic orator, E. Graham Haywood.

Nicholas W. Woodfin, when a boy, rode into Asheville after meal on a mule bareback. By his energy and talents he rose to be a leader of the Buncombe bar and afterwards State senator from Buncombe. His speeches were always strong, but his pronunciation of many words was strange, even to affectation.

The convention was in an exceedingly gloomy frame of mind, because the easy capture of the Hatteras forts and of Roanoke Island made it certain that Washington and Newbern would not be more fortunate, and all eastern North Carolina would be speedily overrun. It is impossible for me to transfer to you the impression made under these circumstances by the intense earnestness of the speakers, all of whom, except Mr. Woodfin, were in constant dread of hearing news of ruined homes and the desertion of their slaves.

Mr. Pettigrew began by stating that he had left his home at the mercy of the enemy. It was his intention not to return to the convention as long as there was danger of invasion of his county, but many of his neighbors, strong friends of the Southern Confederacy, had begged him to resume his seat with the view of obtaining some protection. It was a cause of regret to him that members spoke of adjourning the convention. Let us never yield. If beaten, let us retreat from the sea-shore to the hills; from the hills to the mountains.

Washington and Tyrrell are isolated. He ordered his slaves, ordinarily perfectly obedient, to be ready to start with him away from danger of capture. Only five appeared at the rendezvous. The residue ran off to the swamps. After his departure they returned to their cabins. This conduct was for two reasons. Firstly, they were afraid of suffering in the up country from cold and want of food. Secondly, they had hopes of emancipation, as one of them candidly admitted. The slaves of his brother had behaved in a similar manner, and doubtless such was the universal feeling. Will the convention do nothing to save the wealth and people of these counties?

The remedy is to remove the slaves by military force. Individuals cannot effect such removal. They have not the means.

There is disaffection to the Confederate cause. There are Union men who railed at a friend of his for removing his family. Another had been met by men with shot-guns, who threatened to drag him out of his vehicle in order to detain him in the county. He had heard that a meeting of justices of the peace had been held in Tyrrell county, who had decided to fold their arms and submit to the inevitable, and also not to permit the militia to leave the county; and further, that if the State endeavored to prevent their remaining neutral they would appeal to Roanoke Island. These resolutions were adopted not from disloyalty to the Southern cause, but from fear of the enemy and love of their homes. He closed by an eloquent appeal for some measure of relief.

Mr. Woodfin asked, "Can the gentleman point out a remedy?" Mr. Satterthwaite began by stating that he had said some time. ago, on the fall of Roanoke, that our eastern section is almost subjugated. We ought to have courage to look on the dark side of the picture. We We may be subjugated. We ought to form some idea of what we shall do in such event. We should unite on some plan, but did not believe that the measure recommended by Mr. Pettigrew was a good one. In the first place it is impracticable. In the second it is injurious, unwise, dangerous. Would the upper counties agree to have these slaves settled among them? They would be afraid. The slave-owners of the East have no more right to be aided in this manner than the poor. It would be wrong to leave the non-slaveholders exposed to death and destruction of their property. The authorities once had power to protect East Carolina. That power is lost, gone forever, he feared, but he will vote for any measure proper, for its protection.

He was sorry to hear Mr. Pettigrew say that he had heard of Union men willing to submit to Roanoke Island. Union men (meaning those who belonged to the Union party before war) are as patriotic and loyal to the Southern cause as any others. Look at the battle-fields and you will find them. Both parties have erred in judgment. Let us draw no distinction between secessionists and Union men. We should frown on any imputation that Union men will give up the fight. They were the last in the move; they will be the last out. We should pass resolutions of sympathy and endeavor to induce the Confederate authorites to send troops to protect our people. The troops have been all withdrawn from Hyde county. There are only a few in Beaufort. They will not remain four hours after the enemy comes. Suppose the enemy should come,

what must the people do? They will give up.

We should not ex

pect anything else. Imagine a man with wife and children. The

enemy comes up—no means of escape.
and dishonor to his wife, or submission.
Mr. John C. Washington, of Lenoir
South!

The alternatives are death
What will he do?

county: Stand up for the

Mr. Rayner: What did our ancestors in the Revolution, when Cornwallis marched through the land? The Whigs treated those who took protection as traitors.

Satterthwaite: What would you do?

Rayner: Under threat of dishonor to wife and children I might speak the word of submission, but I would steel my heart against them. What one does under duress cannot and should not be charged against him.

Dr. Speed said that he had been informed that the statement of Mr. Pettigrew, in regard to one of the men mentioned, is denied by him. He had heard no mutterings of treasons from the common people, but has heard them from the chief men. When there was a demand for their services, colonels and lieutenant-colonels and other officers of militia could not be found. He expressed the opinion. that negro men walking about and refusing to go home should be shot.

Mr. Pettigrew explained that Mr. Satterthwaite misunderstood him when he spoke of Union men. He did not refer to the old distinctions between the parties, but to those who are now disloyal to the Confederacy.

Mr. Woodfin: The proclamation of President Lincoln presented the issue whether we would assist in the subjugation of the Southern people, or be subjugated ourselves. This convention did not make the revolution.

He assured Mr. Pettigrew that the West will support all slaves, will put them to work on railroads, and in the cultivation of fertile mountain lands, which can be bought for from seventy-five cents to one dollar per acre.

The subject here dropped. No action was taken by the convention.

I add that Mr. Pettigrew and many others afterwards removed their slaves into the centre and west of the State, where they found employment at remunerative prices. Those so removing were known as "refugees.'

Mr. Satterthwaite's firing up at the supposed imputation that "Union men" were more disloyal than secessionists shows a feeling