which would amount to nearly four millions. So that twenty-five millions of pounds might be raised annually for literary, philanthropic, and religious purposes, without any one feeling the loss of any sensitive enjoyment, but, on the contrary, enjoying the purest gratification in beholding improvements going forward, and the plans of benevolence gradually accomplishing. Passing many other considerations of this kind, the only other item of expenditure I shall notice is, that which is spent in the purchase of spirituous liquors, which are for the most part devoted to the purposes of intemperance. According to an estimate made by Mr. Buckingham and the Committee appointed by Parliament to investigate the state of intemperance, it appears, that, within the limits of Great Britain and Ireland, there is a loss sustained by the use of ardent spirits amounting to nearly "fifty millions sterling per annum!" It is stated, that, in the city of Glasgow alone, the sum expended in intoxicating drinks "is nearly equal to the whole amount expended on public institutions of charity and benevolence in the entire united kingdom.' This item alone would be more than sufficient for all the purposes of philanthropy and of universal improvement. I shall only add farther, that, were all the bishoprics in England reduced to £2000 a-year, the balance would furnish several hundred thousands of pounds a-year which might be devoted to educational purposes; and both religion ana education would be promoted by such an arrangement. Still, our bishops would have more than double the income of the Protestant bishops on the Continent, and would likely perform more substantial services than they now do to the cause of religion. Conversing lately with an intelligent Prussian gentleman on this subject, he informed me that the clergy in Prussia of the same rank with vicars and rectors in the Church of England, have an income of from £100 to £250, reckoned in British money; and that the salaries of the bishops are only from £300 to £500, and that they are far more actively engaged in the services of the church than the bishops of England.

Thus it appears, that there is, in reality, no want of resources for establishing an efficient system of moral and intellectual education on the most splendid and extensive scale. Instead of forty millions in all, we could raise forty millions per annum, and would ultimately be gainers by such a sacrifice, in the diminution of crime, the protection of property, the progress of improvement, and the increased physical and mental powers of our population. We have the power and the means to promote the reformation of society, and even the renovation of the world at large, if we had the will to apply them. But this is the grand desideratum. To

attempt to convince some of our dukes and marquises, our bishops and squires, our fox-hunters, horse-racers, and fashionable gamblers, that it is their duty to contribute of their abundance for such an object, would be as vain as to beat the air, to speak to the hurricane, or attempt to interrupt the dashings of a cataract by the breath of our nostrils. But there is one class of the population to which I would address myself with some hopes of successnamely, members of the Christian Church on whom Providence has bestowed a considerable portion of wealth and influence. Many of these have already come forward with a noble liberality in the cause of missions and of general philanthropy; and they require only an additional stimulus to excite them to still more liberal exertions in the cause of human improvement. But the generality of Christians seem to have forgotten the Divine declaration, “The silver is mine, and the gold is mine, saith the Lord of hosts,"—and that a goodly portion of the wealth which God hath bestowed upon them, ought to be directly consecrated to his service. The church itself has hitherto been too remiss on this point, and has not been careful to enforce upon the consciences of its members, their indispensable obligation to devote their trea sures to the promotion of religion and of public improvement. How many nominal Christians do we see living under the influence of that "covetousness which is idolatry,"-hoarding up hundreds and thousands of pounds, for the purpose either of avarice or ostentation, or under pretence of providing fortunes for their families, while it is with the utmost difficulty that a single guinea can be squeezed from their pockets for any object of benevolence or public utility? Almost every one seems to reason, like the Duke of Newcastle, that he has a right "to do what he pleases with his own," not considering that he is responsible to God for the use he makes of his riches, and for every shilling he withholds from his service.

Under the Mosaic economy, the Jews were enjoined to devote a tenth part of their substance to the Levites and the Priests, or, in other words, for the purpose of supporting education and the worship of God; for the Levites were the principal instructors of the people. Under the Christian dispensation, the same proportion, if not more, ought to be voluntarily offered for carrying forward those plans which have a tendency to promote the honour of God and the good of mankind. In certain cases, where a wealthy individual has no family of his own, I conceive it is his bounden duty to devote at least the one-half of his riches to such purposes. Till such views and practices become more general among Christians, we must still look forward to a distant period

for the arrival of the Millennium. For the purpose of hastening the approach of this glorious era, we are told, in ancient prophe. cy, that the "kings of Tarshish and of the isles, shall bring presents, and offer gifts "—that "the flocks of Kedar and the rams of Nebaioth," shall be brought as acceptable offerings to the altar of Ged, that "the glory of Lebanon, the fir-tree, the pinetree, and the box together, shall beautify the place of his sanctuary,”—and that, "they shall come on camels and dromedaries, and bring gold and incense, and show forth the praises of the Lord." Such offerings are expressions of our gratitude to God for the bounties of his providence and the riches of his grace, and of our desire to co-operate with him, in bringing into effect the purposes of his will and the predictions of his word; and no one who is indifferent to such objects ought to assume the character of a follower of Jesus. And, let Christians remember, that by carrying forward such a system of education as that to which I refer, they are using the most efficient means for promoting the extension of the gospel. For the gospel can never be universally understood or appreciated till the young be universally educated. It is owing to the want of education, and the ignorance and vicious habits that result from it, that multitudes refuse to enter within a place of worship, and when they do come, are incapable of fixing their attention on religious objects, or of understanding the truths delivered.

In the above statements and remarks, I have taken for granted, that the government of this or of any other country, might afford, from the national funds, a grant of money adequate to the establishment of all the institutions to which I have alluded-whether infant schools, Sabbath evening institutions, seminaries for the higher branches of moral and intellectual instruction, or preceptoral colleges for the training of teachers. But although no government were to feel the least interest in such institutions, it is in the power of the people, and within the range of the means they actually possess, to establish them, independently of any extraneous support. This, I trust, will appear from the considerations stated in the preceding paragraphs. Let a general “agitation" be excited on this subject-let the importance of it be clearly proved and illustrated-let the necessity of doing something more than has hitherto been done in this respect be fully establishedlet a conviction be deeply impressed upon the minds of the influential classes of society, of the utility of such exertions for counteracting immorality and crime, for improving the social state of human beings, and preparing them for future felicity-let societies be formed and subscriptions entered into for this

purpose and let a few seminaries of the description referred to, be erected in different districts of the country, and I have little doubt that a spirit of improvement in this respect would ere long pervade the mass of the community. Although many would stand aloof, and even spurn at such movements, yet I trust there is still as much virtue, and liberality, and philanthropy among us, as would lead to no inconsiderable exertions in the advancement of society in knowledge and religion. For my own part, I have no hesitation in pledging myself to devote one-fifth of my annual income, in the first instance, and one-tenth of it every year afterwards, for the promotion of the objects now stated; provided three hundred individuals in this or any other country, shall come forward and pledge themselves to dedicate a similar proportion of their incomes to the furtherance of the same object.* Such i; the importance I attach to the subject and the plans under con sideration; and I feel confident, from the improvements now go ing forward and in agitation, that something more extensive and efficient in this respect than has ever been attempted, will, ere long, be accomplished. There is a certain people, at whom many of our British grandees and newspaper critics are disposed to sneer, and upon whom they affect to look down with a certain degree of contempt, who, I am confident, will be the first to move forward in this work of improvement. They have already made an advance in education beyond that of any other civilized uation, but their system is not yet perfect, nor universally extended. The subject, however, is exciting among them almost universal attention, and whenever a hint for farther improvement is given, it will, I doubt not, be eagerly seized upon, and speedily reduced to practice. They have lately undermined, to a great extent, the

* To prevent misconceptions, it may be proper to state, that the author's income, like that of Goldsmith's "country clergyman," has, for eight years past, scarcely exceeded "forty pounds a-year," exclusive of the house in which he lives; but should it be increased in future years, the same proportion shall be allotted for the object now specified, and a similar proportion shall be deducted from whatever profits he may derive from the publi cation of the present volume, or any other that may succeed it. Three hundred gentlemen whose incomes average £200 a-year, could, in the first instance, furnish a sum to commence with, amounting to £12,000, and every succeeding year, a sum of £6000 to carry forward their operations; so that, in the course of ten years, £66,000 would be raised, which would be sufficient to establish nearly seventy seminaries, with their libraries, apparatus, and museums. However romantic it may appear to some to expect such sacrifices, the sums now specified are nothing more than what were paid as a tax on such incomes during the late war with France; and they are now solicited only in the shape of a voluntary donation.

cause of intemperance, and they have it now in their power to consecrate the millions of dollars which were formerly spent in degrading sensuality, to the furtherance of education, and the cause of national improvement.* If Britain does not soon arouse herself from her slumbers and move forward in the cause of education, it will be degrading to the rank she holds in the civilized world, to reflect, that she is far excelled in this respect by a republic on the one hand, and a despotical government† on the other. The only grant of money that was ever directly given by the British Parliament for the promotion of education, was £20,000, which was conceded by the House of Commons in 1833; and Mr. Colquhoun stated, in 1834, that "the utmost that Scotland required (ultimately) for the supply of education, was a provision of £60,000 per annum." The proposal of such pitiful sums for so grand and extensive an object, is little short of an insult offered to the cause of education, and plainly indicates the imperfect and limited views which are still entertained on this subject. Some of our members of Parliament, when they talk of education, appear to mean nothing more than giving the mass of the community a few general instructions in reading, writing, and arithmetic, according to the old inefficient system which has so long prevailed. The only gentleman who has broached this topic in the House of Commons, and who appears to entertain clear and comprehensive views on the subject of education, is Mr. Roebuck; but, unfortunately, his proposals and his luminous exposition of this subject, seem to have been, in a great measure, unappreciated and neglected.

Supposing seminaries established to the extent which the popu lation of any country requires, a difficulty still remains to be surmounted; and that is, How we shall be enabled to induce parents and guardians of all ranks to send their children to the different schools appropriated for their instruction? It would certainly be eligible, in the first instance, to try the effects of moral suasionto represent to reluctant parents, in the most affectionate manner, the utility and importance of rational and moral instruction, both to themselves and to their offspring-the beneficial effects that would accrue to them even in the present life, and the moral certainty that they would be directed in the path which leads to happiness in the life to come;--and, in every instance, where poverty, or a disinclination to pay the fees, stood in the way, the

*Here I allude to the Northern States of America, particularly to Pennsylvania, New-York, New-Jersey, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Maine. + Prussia.