The next is an extract from a letter of Wм. O. DUVALL, to a convention which he had been invited to address in New York:

THAD. STEVENS has not been rebuked by his followers, because THAD. STEVENS Votes the Republican ticket!

The Rev. Dr. BELLOWS, in one of his public discourses in the city of New York, disgraced the pulpit by uttering the following:

mittee of Ways and Means in the House, made a speech in Congress, in which he declared: "If we are to have a Union again, I would "Were not the nominal free states of this not have one with one part free-the other part Republic completely 'subdued?' Within forty-slave. I would not, if I could, agree to such a Union!" eight hours from the time Charles Sumner was murderously and cowardly assaulted in the Senate, every custom-house, arsenal and fortification of the North should have been in the possession of citizen soldiers, and long before this an army of twenty thousand men should have expelled from Washington the Goths and Vandals of the administration. And give me leave to say to you, the people are ready to do this work, and are only kept from it by the 'cool headed' management of political leaders. Only let the capitalists of the North furnish the means, and the men are ready to fight this propagandizing Government at once upon its good behavior. Let the capitalists generally take pattern from the noble Gerrit Smith, who proposes the raising at once of a million of dollars, and pledged himself for ten thousand of it. That is the ring of the true metal. Where shall we find one more such? That there are more such I know, for my neighbor, Nathan Marble, told me yesterday, that if Mr. Smith's plan should be carried out he would give a thousand dollars towards it."

"I sincerely hope that a civil war may soon burst upon the country. I want to see American Slavery abolished in my day-it is a legacy I have no wish to leave my children; then my most fervant prayer is, that England, France and Spain may speedily take this slavery-accursed Nation into their special consideration; and when the time arrives for the streets and cities of this 'land of the free and home of the brave' to run with blood to the horses' bridles, if the writer of this be living, there will be one heart to rejoice at the retributive justice of heaven."

No Republican ever saw any "treason" in this, because Mr. DUVALL votes the Republi

can ticket!

Gen. BANKS said:

"I am willing in a certain contingency to let the Union slide,"

and no Republican has ever declaimed against the sentiment, because] Banks votes the Republican ticket.

BURLINGAME, present minister to the Celestial Empire, said in a speech in Indiana, that "the time will come when we must have an anti-slavery constitution-an anti-slavery Bible and an anti-slavery God,"

nor have we ever heard a Republican dissent from this blasphemy, because Burlingame votes the Republican ticket.

"It is no longer a war in defence of the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws. It is a war to be carried on no longer with the aim of re-establishing the Union and the Constitution with all their old compromises. God means not to let us off with any half-way work. I am now convinced, and I consider it the most humane, the most economical, and the most statesmanlike now, to take the most radical ground possible-TO ASSUME THAT THIS IS A WAR FOR THE SUBJUGATION OR EXTERMINATION OF ALL PERSONS WHO WISH TO MAINTAIN THE SLAVE POWER:—a war to get rid of slavery and slaveholders: WHETHER IT BE CONSTITUTIONAL OR NOT!!!"'

Dr. BELLOWS votes the Republican ticket and hence he is not denounced for such sentiments by that party!

Mr. INGERSOLL, the Abolition candidate for Congress at large in Illinois, during a late canvass, in a speech at Chicago, said:

"I say we must adopt whatever measures are necessary to crush this rebellion and save the country. I am not the judge of what is necessary, nor is any man here the judge. The President is the appointed judge, and when his mandate has gone forth, every man is bound to obey. Abraham Lincoln is Commander-in.Chief of the armies of the states. As such he possesses the power necessary to crush the rebellion. I care not what you name the measure; if it becomes necessary, that is the only question, and the man who does not respect the mandates of his supreme General when the country is in a death "graple with rebellion, is a traitor and deserves a traitor's doom. The President in such a time, I believe, is clothed with the power as full as that of the Czar of Russia over this question, and the question of its exercise is for him and his constitutional advisers to determine. The Chicago Times is not the judge. If it is necessary perhaps it is just as well for the people to become familiar with this power and the right to its exercise now as at any other time. If the President should determine that in order to crush this rebellion the constitution itself should be suspended during the rebellion, I

THAD. STEVENS, the chairman of the com- believe he has the right to do it."

INGERSOLL was not dnounced as a traitor, as he himself admits, for the purpose of enterbecause INGERSOLL votes the Republican ing into negociations with the Rebel Envoy, J. ticket.

During the pending of the peace negotia- federate States of America' will consent to tions, the Chicago Tribune said:

"The correspondence shall go to the public go to the public and will find its way to the country, a class of the citizens which you claim to represent.- "I have never allowed myself to indulge in It will perhaps interest the government and that superstitious idolatry of the Union so prethe soi distant "loyal men," there to know un-valent among simple but honest people, nor der the sanction of your name, that the "lead- that political cant about the Union so prevalent

among the dishonest ones. I have simply regarded it as a form of government, to be valued in proportion to its merits as an instrument of national prosperity and power.

bestowed upon him-and that state the noblest in America-all single him out as one authorized and required to speak with a decisive vcice on this great occasion.

"The war which has come in between the "There are also in this House, gentlemen North and the South for the past two years has whose words on this momentous theme, the made a revolution. This is the fact; and the country will listen to with intense interfact in such a matter is the important thing. It est. The honorable member from Pennsylvasettles the law. No technicality in a question nia, (Thad. Stevens,) one of the truly great of this kind can stand. The war has utterly men of America-full of learning and wisdom dissolved the connection between the North-tried by long years of arduous service in this and the South, and rendered them separate cause, who has never faltered, and is now reand independent powers in the world. This is elected in his district by overwhelming numthe necessary effect of civil war anywhere. It bers, stands foremost among those of whom the makes the belligerent powers independent for nation will expect deliverance from the danthe time being, and, unless the one succumbs gers which encompass it. Let these men, and to the other, they continue independent of each such as these speak, and tell the country what other forever The principle is laid down by to do in this hour of transcendent peril. Vattel, as follows:

When a nation becomes divided into two parties, absolutely independent, and no longer acknowledging a common superior, the state is dissolved, and the war between the two factions stands upon the same ground, in every respect, as a war between two different nations.'-Book 111, chap. 17, p. 428.

"It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that so learned and profound a jurist as the honorable member from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) should express the same opinion.

"The Democrats will not, of course, listen to separation for an instant. Such a suggestion, in their eyes, is treason-a proposition to dissolve the Union-for which any one ought to be hanged. They expect the question whether the Union shall be restored by force or by compromise, to be submitted to the people in the next election; and upon that to carry the country. Their plan is to oppose the Administration simply in its anti-slavery policy. They put in issue the Confiscation Act, the Missouri Emancipation Act, and the President's Proclamation of Emancipation. These measures they pronounce unconstitutional, deny their validity, and every thing done, or to be done, in pursuance of them. In addition to this, they attack the Administration on account of its suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, false imprisonment, corruption, imbecility, &c., and a thousand other incidents.But on the war and the integrity of the Union they are like adamant itself. They claim to favor the war, for the sake of the Union, but to be for peace rather than war. They say, very truthfully, that the Republicans have tried force for two years, and exhausted the country, and upon this claim the adoption of their method as all that is left to be done.This is the manner in which the politicians of the country propose to terminate this great conflict. "The Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Sumner,) who has lately been re-elected to serve another term of six years in the body he has so long adorned, should, in this crisis, point to us the proper action. His purely Northern character, his great abilities, his lofty aspirations, his sacrifices for freedom, the entire confidence of his state so spontaneously

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"Nevertheless, I cannot refrain from expressing my individual opinion that the true policy of the North is to terminate this war at once. The longer it continues the worse our situation becomes. Let the two Houses of Congress adopt the following resolutions:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, &c., That the Executive be, and he is hereby requested to issue a general order to all commanders of forces in the several military departments of the United States to discontinue offensive operations against the enemy, and to act in the future entirely on the defensive.

"Resolved, That the Executive be and he is further requested to enter into negotiations with the authorities of the Confederate States with reference to a cessation of hostilities, based on the following propositions:-1, Recognition of the independence of the Confederate States. 2, A uniform system of duties upon imports. 3, Free trade between the two states. 4, Free navigation of the Mississippi river. 5, Mutual adoption of the Monroe doctrine.

"I entirely disagree with those who assert that it is impossible that the North and South could live peacably side by side, because there are no natural boundaries between the two, such as Rocky Mountains or the Atlantic Ocean. This is a bug-bear with which we impose upon ourselves. The people of the North and South can never become foreign nations to each other in the sense in which the French and English or Russians are. They are sprung from the same origin, speak the same language, possess a common literature, inherit similar politics and religious views, and inhabit regions closely connected by natural and artificial ties. They will, therefore, both be always American. The only great difference between them is of, a social and political nature, namely, that which arises from the existence of African slavery in one, and the absence of it in the other.

"This fact, however, presents no obstacle whatever to such a separation as is involved in independent political jurisdiction; on the contrary, it greatly facilitates it.

"Before the Federal Union was established, all the States were independent, and associated

under the Articles of Confederation in the nature of a treaty.

calculated to effect, and which political leaders seem determined, through it, to bring about.

"The articles are now adduced to show the impracticability of present separation between "The only period in which there was a ghost the North and South, with equal good force to of a chance of giving this war an anti-slavery prove the impossibility of what then actually result, was the first two years of its existence. existed and was accepted in the case of the If it had been taken hold of at the outset, as thirteen original states of the Union. The lat- an instrument of revolution, to dissolve the ter stood toward each other precisely as the Union, and constitute the North a nation, thus North and South in the Confederate States, re- liberating the Government from all constitusuming, as to them, the old basis of the Con- tional obligations to slave holders, and had federation. This would be the whole of it. It been rushed through with skill and energy, is, therefore, a very simple operation. under wise ministers and competent generals, in a manner to give full effect to the power of the North, slavery would have been swept out of existence, and the seceding states conquered to the authority of the Union, and held as subject provinces.

"I do not suggest this, however, on the idea that should it ever be adopted, the separation it implies would be permanent. I believe that it would insure an ultimate re-union on an anti-slavery basis.

"But this was not done. On the contrary, the war was employed as a means to prevent revolution, and to maintain the Union. The object was to enforce upon slaveholders the rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution most zealous regard was paid to the "rights," they discarded. For nearly two years, the and military operations conducted in a manner to induce the Southern people to return volun

"I have confidence in the inherent vitality of Northern civilization. I have no fear to set in competition with that of the South. Let them proceed side by side in the race of empire, and we shall see which will triumph." Now, no Republican denounces Mr. CONWAY for thus offering to give up the ghost, and dissolve the Union, but they all denounce every Democrat who talks or thinks in favor of nego-tarily to their Federal allegiance. In consetiations for peace on a basis of preserving the Union. The difference is just this: Democrats don't vote the Republican ticket, and Mr.

CONWAY does!

When the conscription bill was before Congress, Mr. VALLANDIGHAM (Dem.) moved to so amend, that arrests in the loyal states should only be made by warrant, on oath, citing the particular offense committed, &c. This the Republicans voted down by 101 to 57. No Republican ever talked of arresting Mr. CONWAY for his ebullition of treason, and sending him ever the lines, because he votes the Republican ticket. He became so bold, by sufference, that he even issued his disunion bulls from the threshhold of the President's mansion, as it were, and still the President neither caused his arrest, or censured him. The following letter, written from Washington to the N. Y. Tribune, the grand receptacle for disunion offals, shows that his speech in Congress was not to be repented of:

CONWAY'S LETTER TO THE TRIBUNE-DISUN-
ION A "FIXED FACT.”

"A WORD

"TO THE EDITOR OF THE N. Y. TRIBUNE:

"SIR-The recent avowal of Mr. Gerrit Smith, that he is in favor of a restoration of the Union, even if such restoration should involve renewed power to slavery, is a slight indication of that counter revolution in public sentiment, on this subject, which the war is

quence of this policy the golden opportunity slipped away. The South became a settled and determined power-the North lost the prestige of victory, and its morale was broken.

"Thus the war became a failure, and utterly ceased to bear upon the question of the subjugation of the South, in any manner, whatsoever, and now whatever may be said to the contrary, there are few reflecting minds which have not come to the conclusion that the

Independence of the South is an established fact, whether recognized or not.

"The war for the future, therefore, becomes simply an instrument in the hands of political managers to effect results favorable to their own personal ends, and unfavorable to the cause of freedom.

"What matters it that a few regiments of negroes-more or less-under white officers, are sent into the field? What matters it that the President's edict of Emancipation is printed in Little & Brown's edition of the United States Statutes at large? Is Richmond ours, or even Vicksburg? Does not the Confederacy still stand firm and defiant? And does it not promise to stand so in the future? And above all, is not the Presidential election approaching?

It is now assumed that the Union is an object paramount over all other considerations, and we are told that it must never be relinquished. We are told to adhere to the war, not because it gives us successful achievements in the field, but for the reasons, simply, that otherwise, we give up the Union. We are told, also, that the institution of slavery, like all other institutions, (see the New York Times of to-day), is of minor importance, one way or the other, compared with the Union-that it must give way, or not give way-be destroyed, or granted a new lease of life, with increased