| hold his liberty at the mercy of one man, but he is liable to be punished for inquiring whether the man arresting him really possessed, or only falsely pretended to possess, that man's authority!

"The attempt to disguise the odious charater this detestable act by a sham provision to its second section is an insult to the intelligence of the people. gence of the people. The Secretary of State and the Secretary of War," so it reads, "are directed, as soon as it may be practicable," to furnish to the judges of the courts lists of the names of the persons arrested, that they may be presented to a grand jury for indictment. And who is to judge of this practicability? Why the secretaries themselves, or the President for them. They will furnish such lists whenever it suits their pleasure, and not before. There is not only no penalty for neglecting to do this altogether, but the main purpose of the act is to protect these officers, and all persons acting under their directions, against all legal penalties for all arrests wherever made, and all detentions in prison however long protracted.

the enormous monetary and military power with which they have clothed the President. What assurance has the country that we shall ever have another Presidential election? None whatever, except what may be found in the confidence, reasonable or unreasonable, reposed in the rectitude and patriotism of Mr. Lincoln.f If any person, in any part of the country, shall think it his duty to resist unconstitutional encroachments on the rights of citizens, Mr. Lin coln is authorized, by what purports to be a law, to snatch up that individual and immure him in one of the government bastiles as long as he shall see fit, and there is no power in the nation to call him to account. He can send one of his countless provost marshals into the house of a governor of a State, or any other citizen, in the dead of night, drag him from his bed, hustle him away under the cover of darkness, plunge him in a distant and unknown dungeon and allow his friends to know no more of the whereabouts of his body, than they would of the habitation of his soul, if, instead of imprisoning the provost marshal had murdered him. With this tremendous power over the liberty of every citizen whom he may suspect, or whom he may choose to imprison without suspecting, the President is as absolute a despot as the Sultan of Turkey. All the guarantees of liberty are broken down; we all lie at the feet of one man, dependent on his caprice for every hour's exemption from a bastile. If he wills it, the State governments may continue in the discharge of their functions; but if he will it, every one of them that does not become his sub-plete impunity in all abuses of this enormous, missive and subservient tool can be at once suspended by the imprisonment of its officers. Considering the enormous power conferred on the Presinent by the finance and sonscription bills, a reasonable jealousy would have erected additional safeguards against its abuse. Instead of that, Congress has thrown down all the old barriers and left us absolutely without shelter in the greatest violence of the tempest.

"So far as the detestable act passed yesterday is an act of indemnity to shield the President from the legal consequences of past exertions of arbitrary power, it is a confession that he, his secretaries, provost marshals, and other minions, have been acting in violation of law. It annuls all laws passed by the state legislatures for the protection of their citizens against kidnapping; it provides for taking all suits for damages out of the state courts and transferring them to the Federal tribunals, and before those tribunals the fact that the injury complained of was done under color of executive authority is declared to be a full and complete defense. It even inflicts penalties on persons coming before the courts for redress of injuries, by declaring that if they are not successful, the defendant shall recover double costs. So that the aggrived party must take the risk of this penalty for venturing to ascertain, in a court of justice, whether his oppressor was or was not acting under the authority of the President. To this alarming pass have matters come, that not only does every citizen

7

"The ninety days during which Congress has now been in session are the last ninety days of American freedom. Our liberties had previously been curtailed and abridged by executive encroachments, but the courts remained open for redress of wrongs. But this Congress has rendered their overthrow complete, by first putting the purse and sword in the hands of the President and then assuring him of comthis dangerous, this tremendous power.".

A HIGHER STANDARD THAN THE STARS AND

STRIPES.

Soon after FREMONT's removal from the Army of the West, his admirers held a meeting in Cincinnati, the Rev. Mr. CONWAY was the principal speaker, in the course of whose remarks we find the following:

"Now that the standard of liberty has been unfurled by Fremont over the contending parties-a higher standard than the stars and stripes or stars or bars-how wretched and despicable appear the standards raised by the pigmy generals who have gone out warm from the wings of the Administration.??

of the Republican party, and from the President elect. They regard these principles as sacred. They will not forswear them at the bidding of a world of seceding and treasonable slaveholders. They see no necessity to choose between them, but if such a choice must be

made, they prefer their principles to fifty

Unions."

ABOLITIONISTS DISCOURAGE ENLISTMENTS.

So long as the Boston Liberator supposed the war was being prosecuted to save the Union, it was bitter against all who enlisted. Here is an extract from its columns of 1862: "Hasten back to a recognition of your own manhood-of your divine origin and destiny. Believe yourselves too sacred to be shot down like dogs by Jeff. Davis and his negro-mymidons, and all in the cause of slavery! Die, rather, at home in the arms of loving mothers and affectionate sisters. Nay, be shot down, if you must, at home, and die like a Christian, and have a decent burial, rather than go and die in the cause of a Union and a government based on slavery, which should never have been formed, and which are blistered all over with the curses of God for wrongs, outrages and cruelties it has inflicted on millions of His poor children. Speak in tones of thunder to the Government until it hears, and declares a policy and purpose of such a character as that if you must die in battle it shall at least be in the cause of justice and liberty."

VOTES ON ABOLITION IN CONGRESS.

Not having room in this work for even extracts, we refer the reader for the votes on the various negro policies of the party in power to the Congressional Globe of 1861, pp. 5 and 159. Also to same of 1862, pp. 1179, 1653, 1548, 2359, 2363, 1408, 2793, 3107, 3267, 2536, 3397, &c.

CHAPTER XVII.

ABOLITION DISLOYALTY AND TREASON. Extracts from Speeches and Sayings: by John A. Bingham...A. G. Riddle... Owen Lovejoy... Wm. Davis... F. A. Pike... W. P. Cutler...J. M. Ashlay...J. P. C. Shanks ...John Huchings...F. A. Conway...C. F. Sedgwick... Benj. Wade......). II. Rice...G. W. Julian... Thad. Stevens ...J. P. Hale (l'etitions for Dissolution)... David Wilmot Horace Ma... Wendell Phillips... Lowell Republicans..." Boston Liberator"...J. Watson Webb...Boston Free Soilers... Charles Sumner..." True American >

Hampshire Gazette"... Programme of Revolution... Senator Wilson...R. P. Spaulding...Erastus Hopkins... H. M. Addison... Abolitionists of Massachusetts...R. W. Emerson... Horace Greeley...H. Ward Beecher...S. P. Chase... Fred Douglas... Redpath... Rev. Chas. E. Hodges Lloyd Garrison..." N. Y. Tribune "...Wm. 0. Duvall ...Gen. Banks... Anson Burlingame... Rev. Dr. Bellows... Ingersoll, of Ill....Defeat of the Crittenden Compromise ...Vote in the Senate... Policy of Won't-Yield-an-Inch... Treasonable Correspondence between M. D. Conway

and J. M. Mason...F. A. Conway's Treasonable Speech in Congress... Also, his Treasonable Letter to the "N. Y. Tribune"...Garrison's Speech in Philadelphia... Extract from "Wisconsin Puritan."

SLAVERY THE "CAUSE" OF AGITATION.

from a large class, exhibit the true aims and The following extracts, taken promiscuously purposes of the radicals to agitate the slavery question as the shortest route to a dissolution of the Union. Nothing can be plainer than this. It is the same old stereotyped lingo, used by PELHAM in 1796, when he boasted of his object to dissolve the Union. Most of these characters are the direct descendents of those who voted down Virginia and Delaware, then and now slave states, and suceeeded in keeping open that execrable commerce, the slave trade, eight years longer than most of the South wanted it, that they might enrich their commerce, and sell its fruits to the very men and communities they now denounce. The picture is as true as it is sad.

"We believe that in the initiation of emancipation, of full and complete emancipation, will put an end to this civil war. After slavery is abolished, or put in process of ultimate extinction, there will be nothing left for traitors to fight for."-Hon John A. Bingham, of Ohio, March 18, 1862.

"The forces now moving the profound depths of our political compact, will themselves, ere they are spent, work its [slavery's] demolition."-Hon. A. G. Riddle, of Ohio, January 27, 1862.

"This war, without compromise or cessation of slavery] is accomplished through its own will go forward till its beneficent end [the end appointed means."-Hon. A. G Riddle, April 11, 1862.

"There can be no Union till slavery is des

troyed. * * I say you cannon put down the

rebellion and restore the Union without destroying slavery."-Hon. Owen Lovejoy, of Illinois, April 24, 1862.

"Slavery is at war with us, and slavery must die."-Hon. Wm. Davis, of Penn., March 6, 1862.

"And these three-tax, fight, and emancipate-shall be the trinity of our salvation. In this sign we shall conquer."-Hon. F. A. Pike, of Maine, Feb. 5, 1862.

"Slavery is a public enemy, and ought, therefore, to be destroyed; it is a nuisance, that must be abated. * ☀ I reiterate the words used by the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) in the preamble to his bill now under consideration: 'slavery has caused this present rebellion, and there can be no permanent peace and union in this republic so long as that institution exists.'

"This is the time, of all others, to release the slaves of rebels. Such law could only be enforced by the army. Hence, the army would "Sir, I can no longer agree that this Adminbe on the spot to quell any possible outbreak.istration is pursuing a wise policy." * * * —Hon. J. P. C. Shanks, of Indiana, May 24, "I cannot agree to the policy which is forbidding the employment and liberation of these men. Its policy ought to be to order our army, wherever they go, to free the slaves, to enlist them, to arm them, to discipline them as they have been enlisted, armed and disciplined everywhere else, and as they can be here, and set them shooting their masters, if they will not submit to this Government. Call that savage, if you please."--Hon. Thad. Stevens, of Pa., July 5, 1862.

The Boston Liberator, in an article headed, in large type-"But one issue-the dissolution of the Union"-recommends signatures to a petition for that purpose, of which the following is a spirit:

"We therefore believe that the time has come for a new arrangement of elements so hostile; of interests so irreconcilable; of institutions so incongruous; and we earnestly request Congress, at its present session, to take initiatory measures for the speedy, peaceful and equitable dissolution of the existing Union, as the exigencies of the case require."

"If the Republicans fail at the ballot-box, we shall be forced to drive back the slaveocrats with fire and sword!"-James Watson Webb.

"Resolved, That 'Constitution, or no Constitution, law or no law, we will not allow a fugitive slave to be taken from Massachusetts." -Boston Free Soilers of 1850.

"I have before declared that the path of duty was clear as to the fugitive slave act, and that I am bound to disobey it!"-Chas. Sumner, October, 1850.

The Trae American, a Republican organ in Erie county, Pa., in commenting upon a speech delivered at a Democratic meeting says:

"This twaddle about the Union and its preservation is too silly and sickening for any good effect. We think the liberty of a single slave is worth more than all the Unions God's universe can hold."

The Hampshire (Mass.) Gazette of August 23d, 1856, a Republican organ, published a letter from a citizen of Northampton, who has been engaged in circulating there the petition for a dissolution of the Union, wherein he stated that

"More than one hundred and fifty legal voters of that town have signed this petition.?? Says Senator WILSON, of Massachusetts:

"Freemen of the North have a right to govern this country. I tell you here, to-night, that the agitation of this question of human slavery will continue while the foot of a slave presses the soil of the American Republic." Says CHARLES SUMNER:

Said RUFUS P. SPAULDING, a member of the Convention that nominated FREMONT:

"In the case of the alternative being presented of the continuance of slavery, or a dissolution of the Union, I am for dissolusion, and I care not how quick it comes."

Said ERASTUS HOPKINS, a member of the Convention that nominated FREMONT:

"If peaceful measures fail us, and we are driven to the last extremity, where ballots are useless, then we'll make bullets effective.” [Tremendous applause.]

H. M. ADDISON, of the American Advertiser,

In 1854, the abolitionists of Massachusetts and other states sent petitions to Congress, from which the following is an extract:

"We earnestly request Congress, at its present session to take such initiatory measures for the speedy, peaceful and equitable dissolution of the existing Union as the exigencies of the case may require."

Said RALPH WALDO EMMERSON:

"We can no longer live in a Union with a barbarous community."

Says Senator WADE, of Ohio:

"I say there is another thing-and I put it as a question of casuistry—if the condition on which the Union is to be permanent can consist alone in trampling down nearly four millions of your inhabitants, (i. e. the existence of slavery,) I ask honest and honorable men, dare you wish that the Union should be continued upon even these nefarious conditions? No, sir; nor I, for it would be the most miserable selfishness that ought to damn any man wishing to benefit himself from such a sacrifice of all the rights belonging to human nature as this. (Applause.)

"And after all this to talk of a Union! Sir, I have said you have no Union. I say you have no Union to-day worthy of the name. "Sir, I am here a conservative man, know

"The good citizen, as he reads the require- ing as I do that the only salvation to your

cor towards each other than these, two portions of the Republic."

"If we can't have that, then I go for no Union at all, but I go for FIGHT. (Great applause.) If there is any man here possessing a weaker spirit, let him show himself, forciety, occurs this passage: I want to see his meek face."

In a tract, by the Rev. CHAS. E. HODGES, and published by the Anti-Slavery Tract So

All nations have their superstitions, and clusion?) he is not a traitor to his country, but that of our people is the Constitution."