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It shields a pirate's deck!

It binds a man in chains! It yokes the captive's neck, And wipes the bloody stains! Tear down the flaunting lie; Half-mast the starry flag; Insult no sunny sky

With hate's polluted rag! Destroy it, ye who can;

Deep sink it in the waves! It bears a fellow man,

To groan with fellow slaves:

Furl, furl the boasted lie!

Till Freedom lives again, To rule once more in truth, Among untrammeled men! Roll up the starry sheen,

Cenceal its bloody stains, For in its folds are seen The stamp of rustling chains!

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Mr. SUMNER Sounded the key note of revolt in 1854. The Abolitionists caught it up, and demanded dissolution, as we have already seen. The war followed, as naturally as that any any effect follows a cause Whether this war is being prosecuted with sole reference to abolishing slavery, regardless of what may become of the Union, shall not rest on our charge. We will introduce Abolition testimony.

Col. WM. STONE, the Governor of Iowa, in canvassing that state in the summer of 1863, in his speech at Keokuk, on the 3d of August, said:

"Fellow citizens-I was not formerly an abolitionist, nor did I formerly suppose I would ever become one; but I am now, I have been for the last nine months, an unadulterated abolitionist. [At this the abolition portion of his audience shouted loudly and cried out, "That's it,' 'That's the way to talk it out,' 'Hurrah, hurrah!'] As a matter of policy, perhaps, it would have been more prudent not to have so publicly declared that I have become an abolitionist; but, since I have said it, I will not take it back, and let those who don't like it make the most of it. [Again the old Whighating Abolition faction of his audience shouted most lustily, while a number of Republicans, in an under tone, were heard to express dissatisfaction.]

"Fellow-citizens The opposition charge that this is an abolition war. Well, I admit that it is an abolition war. It was not such in the start; but the administration has discovered that they could not subdue the South else than making it an abolition war, and they have done so; and it will be continued as an abolition war so long as there is one slave at the South to be made free. Never, never can there be peace made, nor is peace desirable, until the last link of slavery is abolished. [Loud and prolonged cheers from the abolitionists, while the republican Unionists muttered much dissent.]

"Butler, Stanton, Burnside, and men of that stamp, I regard as true patriots; but as for the copperhead democracy, I hold for them the utmost contempt, and I would rather eat with a nigger, drink with a nigger, live with a nigger, and sleep with a nigger, than with a copperhead. [At this declaration in favor of sleeping, etc., with niggers rather than with the copperhead democracy, as he termed it all true democrats, the shouts of the advocates of negro amalgamation were loud and defiant.]"

MORROW. B. LowRY, an abolition State Senator in Pennsylvania, at a League meeting in Philadelphia, in 1863, said:

"This war is for the African and his race.The six hundred colored men who have recently fallen, have elevated the race. For all I know, the Napoleon of this war may be done up in a black package. (Laughter.) We have no evidence of his being done up in a white one, hand, I said that if any negro would bring me as yet. When this war was no bigger than my his disloyal master's head, I would give him one hundred and sixty acres of his master's plantation. (Laughter and applause.) The man who talks of elevating the negro would not have to elevate him very much to make him equal to himself"

We might crowd a small octavo volume with similar declamations and admissions, but these must suffice until some one shall impeach the veracity of these revolutionists.

In a speech by WENDELL PHILLIPS in 1862, he said:

"Slavery had suggested secession, and it had a right to do so, for he, (Mr. PHILLIPS,) being a secessionist, believed that those people were the sole judges of what causes they had for revolution.";

While the tax bill was pending in Congress, a Washington correspondent of the Chicago Tribune said through that sheet:

The Tax Bill is slowly grinding through the House, in committee of the whole, and is one of the most telling anti-slavery documents ever devised by the wit of man. If there had been no slavery, there would have been no rebellion, and of course no tax bill. Every man, woman and child in the loyal states must now commence paying for the luxury of having neighbors who own and flog negroes. There are none so poor that they can eseape this slavery tax-none so dull they cannot see what has caused it.

This is the same species of argument as that of the man who shot his neighbor, and charged the fault to the man who invented gunpowder. Had there been no powder the man would not have been shot. As slavery caused no war previous to the agitation by those who had nothing to do with it, would it not be quite as charita

ble to suppose that slavery agitation was the hint, and yet the authors of the foregoing have cause of the war tax? never been arrested by the powers that be, nor have they ever been denounced by those powers or their backers.

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For years, the disunionists of the North have manifested the boldness of a CROMWELL, the assiduity of beavers, the cunning of foxes, the malignancy of ISCARIOTS. Their money has been poured out free as water, in publishing and circulating Abolition tracts, speeches, inflammatory and incendiary appeals-not to national honor and pride, but to the passions and hot bed sentimentalities that fester in the breasts of malcontents. In 1852, a series of pamphlets were issued for Massachusetts, entitled, "The United States Constitution and its pro slavery compromises." From the "Third edition, enlarged," of this treasonable publication we take the following:

"If, then, the people and the courts of a country are to be allowed to determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time, and for the last half century, the Constitution of the United States has been, and still is a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who swears to support it, swears to do proslavery acts, and violates his duty both as a

man and an Abolitionist.

"If, then, the Constitution be what these debates (the Madison papers) show that our fathers intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation, say they did make it, and agreed to uphold, then we affirm that it is covenant with death, and an agreement with hell,' and ought to be immediately annulled! No Abolitionist can consistently take office under it, or swear to support it.

"To continue this disastrous alliance (the Federal Union) longer, is madness! We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double earnestness, we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the outcry of the American Anti-Slavery Society-No union with slaveholders!?!

Speaking of the framers of the Constitution, it says:

"Now, these pages prove the melancholy fact, that willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for gain, and became partners with tyrants! that they might share in the profits of their tyranny.

On page 145, the following occurs: "Fidelity to the cause of human freedom, and allegiance to God [the Higher law which Mr. SEWARD borrowed from the Puritanical fathers] require that the existing National compact should be instantly dissolved; that secession from the Government is a religious and political duty."

What more did the South Carolina Nullifiers and Secessionists ever declare? What more have they ever done than to act upon this pious

But while those fanatical disunionists were denouncing our fathers, for becoming partners with tyrants, and showing their proof for this charge from the MADISON papers, they ought not to have neglected the important fact that it was mainly owing to the vote of Massachuetts and Rhode Island that the report of the committee of thirteen, and the voice of slaveholding Virginia and Delaware were overruled, and the slave trade, now pronounced piracy by the greatest Powers on the globe, was prolonged from 1800 to 1808. Yes, Massachusetts done this to "protect"? her sordid shipping interest, on a plea of gain, and to have been consistent those Massachusetts Abolitionists, who now shout for the war, only because “it is an instrument in the hands of God" to confiscate the slave property at the South, purchased from the guilty slave importers of Bostonunder that constitutisnal license, prolonged for eight years at the special request, and by the solid vote of Massachusetts and Connecticut, against the earnest protest of old Virginia and Delaware. Now comes Massachusetts and declares the consequences of her own crimes a cause for dissolving the Union, after she has gone out of the trade!

CHAPTER XIII.

DISUNION OF NORTHERN GROWTH.

Disunion began in the North...Admission by Wendell Phillips... The War brought on by the North as a Means to an End...The Kansas Imbroglio...Stimulated by the Radicals to Aid Secession and Disunion-Helper's "Impending Crisis" as a Means to hasten Dissolution...Mr. Seward Endorses its "Logical Analogies "-Treasonable Kansas War Meeting in Buffalo-Gerrit Smith and Gov. Reeder Stimulate the "Cause "... Beecher on Shooting at Men... Charles Sumner admits the Northern Conspiracy.

DISUNION BEGUN AT THE NORTH. WENDELL PHILLIPS is the most honest and outspoken of all the Northern Disunionists. He does not hesitate to claim that this revolution began at the North, and that it had a purpose in view, and that purpose was dissolution

the means being the slavery agitation. In a letter to the Boston Liberator, July 21, 1863, he makes the following remarkably candid declarations:

"The disunion we sought was one which

should be begun by the North on principle.

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The agitation for such disunion, based on the idea that slavery is a sin, to be immediately repudiated at every cost, was the most direct and effective way of educating the public to a stern anti-slavery principle. * Abolition of slavery was our object, disunion our weapon. [This reversed, would accord more nearly with the general purpose of Abolitionists.] * The North had the right of revolution-the right to break the Union, and that such disunion would sooner end slavery than continuing under a Constitution that forbade the North during peace to interfere with the slave systems of the Southern states."

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* "The sharp sword of war kills or cures at once, and as God has linked success with justice, we must be whipped into a people hating slavery, as their conqueror, or we must be successful, with justice for our ally-the negro our acknowledged equal and brother! We see nevertheless, the use of our disunion agitation. If we did not fully convert the community by our cry, 'Liberty and justice are better than Union,' we so far Union,' we so far leavened their minds, and wakened their consciences, that when the war came, the hour found them ready to accept the issue. When the question was put-the old Union, with slavery, or a new one without it, the people have been found far more ready than any man supposed, to answer, give us, at any cost, Union and freedom," &c.

Here is a bold declaration that this war was of "right" brought on by the North, by the slavery agitation, so that slavery could be abolished, which could not be done in a state of peace. This admission covers the whole ground, as to who is responsible for the It admits as plain as language can that the slavery agitators drove the South into it with the avowed purpose of accomplishing in a state of war what they admit they could not in a state of peace.

war.

But, Mr. PHILLIPS leaves us nothing to. guess, and in the following paragraph he gives guess, and in the following paragraph he gives us the Abolition reasons for stimulating war, as simple as a child would narrate a May-day exploit:

"In these circumstances, the Abolitionists, who were not peace men, and had never asserted the sinfulness of war, perceived that the war itself would produce an overwhelming national opinion adverse to slavery, sooner than any other agency. The manifestation war must make of the nature and designs of the slave power, would inevitably make every Unionist an Abolitionist. The need of the negro in the conflict would destroy prejudice against color more speedily than any other means could, and his presence in the army would be the first step to civil equality. We saw that the preservation of the Union would efficiently protect the negro in his transition to perfect freedom, and that the nation he helped to create, owed him this aid, which is of vast importance.

"As things stand, therefore, since the war: "1. The Union means liberty, and to save itself, must free the blacks. To uphold it in this struggle for existence, is the readiest way to convert the nation into Abolitionists. One year of such war is worth, for this purpose, twenty years of peaceful agitation."

This plan of inciting all the horrors of a civil war as the best means to liberate the African and make him in all respects our equal, is certainly more ingenious than reputable. It is worthy the sinister purposes of the agitating authors of this war. Mr. P. continues:

Thus, we have the admission that the Abolitionists brought on the war to put down slavery, and then we have the Proclamation as a "military necessity" to put down the war. How easy and simple the proposition.

We have ever regarded MR. PPILLIPS as a talented, truthful, bold, fanatical, bad man.When he tells us that he and his class have been endeavoring to bring on war and dissolution we believe him, not because we want to

believe him, but because his admission comes from one of that class-yea, its principal lead

er, who are now on trial before the great tribunal of history as inciters, aiders and abetors of treason against, the best human government ever established on this globe.

THE KANSAS IMBROGLIO.

We are to read the Kansas imbroglio in the light of Mr. PHILLIP's admission. That th unhappy state of affairs in Kansas was made to play into the hands, and aid the designs of the Northern disunionists and the Southern disunionists, we have not a doubt.

It was unquestionably the purpose of Southern "propagandists" to make a show of establishing slavery in Kansas, not that advocates of the "peculiar system" ever believed slavery would be either profitable or permanent, if established in that territory. But it furnished a coveted point to both sides for a "conflict," and while those politicians in the interest of the South played their role to the best ad vantage, and committed many criminal acts, that ought to "make the dogs blush, bir counterparts in treasonable opposition, "jumped at the chance" to stimulate their long cherished "idea," by precipitating the "irrepressible conflict." Had even the agitators of the North been dictated by purely patriotic

motives, there would have been no serious | were sent broadcast over the land, to keep the conflict, for the North having the means to fur-fires of discord to a "welding heat." The

nish five to one of the emigration, could have voted down the Southern influx, and the North could have afforded to rely on its strength and wait for time to settle the matter.

But the contest originated, as we have seen in the progress of our compilation thus far, over forty years before Kansas was organized as a territory. The contest began in 1798, and raging with unremitting violence up to that time, could not be abandoned by the haters of the league with hell, the covenant with death," in 1857-8. The abolition agitators have often thanked God for the occasion which the Kansas imbroglio afforded to stimulate the cause." It was hoped by the secessionists, North and South, that Kansas would prove to be the rock on which the Union would split. Each party of factionists and disunionists bent every nerve to this end. Traitors in the South, under the guise of Democrats, and traitors in the North, as members of the Republican organization, furnished their "quota" of men and arms.

Each party, anxious for the frayboth factions praying with impious fervency, that the "hour had come" that should rend asunder the ligaments of Union. Christian men (?) and pastors of Christian churches (?) bundled off their frenzied partizans with the bible in one hand and a Sharpe's rifle in the other, and bid them God speed in the holy crusade. O, that was a rich and exhilerating carnival, when the fires of civil discord were lighted by vandal torches when the proud Romans went forth with a shout of brotherly hate (!) to prick the barbarian Persians with the javelin of holy revenge, that the empire might perish between them!

HELPER book, the most incendiary and exasperating of all, was issued, not in the name of its real Northern author, but in the name of a purchased stool pigeon, who hailed from a slave state, so as to give point, piquancy and sting to its pages. We select some specimens from this book, which was endorsed and recoinmended as a work calculated to have "great influence on the public mind," by seventy-eight members of Congress, belonging wholly to the Republican party. We quote as follows:

THE "IMPENDING CRISIS."

"It is against slavery on the whole, and against slave-holders as a body that we wage an exterminating war.'-p. 129.

"Do not reserve the strength of your arms until you have been rendered powerless to strike.

"We contend, moreover, that slave-holders are more criminal than common murderers.'p. 140.

"But it is a fact, nevertheless, that all slave holders are under the shield of a perpetual license to murder.'-p. 144.

"Against this army for the defence and propagation of slavery, we think it will be an easy matter--independent of the negroes,who in nine portunity to cut their master's throats, and cases out of ten would be delighted at the opwithout accepting a single recruit from either of the free States, England, France or Germany-to muster one at least three times as tion.-p. 147. large, and far more respectable, for its extinc

"But we are wedded to one purpose, from which no earthly power can divorce us. We are determined to abolish slavery at all hazards.'-p. 149.

"Now is the time for them to assert their right and liberties; never before was there such an appropriate period to strike for freedom in the South.'-p. 153.

"Not to be an abolitionist is to be a wilful and diabolical instrument of the devil.'-p. 368. "No man can be a true paoriot without first becoming an abolitionist.'-p. 116.

nuisance; mad dogs are a nuisance; slavery is "Small pox is a nuisance; strychnine is a a nuisance; and so are slave breeders; it is our business, nay it is our imperative duty to abate nuisances; we propose therefore, with the exception of strychnine, to exterminate this catalogue from beginning to end.'-p. 130.

The embittered feelings engendered by the Kansas imbroglio, was but the dawn of that abolition millenium which the agitators had prayed for for years. It gave them new life and hope, and they threw up their caps and shouted God curse the Republic. The fires of secession had been kindled, and it was determined that no shower of patriotism should quench the flames. New and inflamable mate- Foam, sirs, fret, foam' prepare your weaprial must be added, and the breath of denun-ons, threaten, strike, shoot, stab, bring on civil oiation, with ten thousand bellows power, was employed to fan the flames of discord to an inextinguishable conflagration. Inflamatory speeches were made, denunciatory newspaper articles, and incendiary sermons and threats

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war, dissolve the Union; nay, annihilate the solar system if you will-do all this, more, less, better, worse, anything-do what you will sirs, you neither foil nor intimidate us; our of heaven; we have determined to abolish slavpurpose is as firmly fixed as the eternal pillars ery, and so help us God, abolish it we will!

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"AUBURN, N. Y., June 28. 1857. "GENTLEMEN:-I have received from you a copy of the recent publications, entitled the "Impending Crisis of the South," and have read it with deepest attention-it seems to me a work of great merit; rich, yet accurate in statistical information, and logical in analogies; and I do not doubt that it will exert a great influence on the public mind, in favor of truth and juctice.

"I am gentlemen, very respectfully,
"W. H. SEWARD.”

THE KANSAS IMBROGLIO A PART OF THE SCHEME.

Can any one doubt the truth and sincerity of Mr. PHILLIPS, after reading this, and knowing the fact that it was publicly endorsed by nearly every Republican member of Congress, that war and disunion was from that day to be the "weapon" to accomplish what Mr. P. says could not be consummated in peace?

The Republican partizans were holding meetings in all parts of the country to organize for a civil war in Kansas. Many of their leaders were reticent and cautious about admissions that should give a clue to their real purposes, but there were others who made no secret of their intentions and objects. Among this class we select the following from the proceedings of a public meeting held in Buffalo, N. Y., wherein Gov. REEDER (then late of Kansas) and GARRIT SMITH acted as colporteurs of the Republican party in raising funds to carry on a civil war in Kansas:

"Mr. SMITH continued to speak of the ag gressions of the South, and said he only hoped to hear of a collision at the South, and said he only hoped to hear of a collision at Topeka; that he only desired to hear of a collision with the Federal troops, and that northern men had fallen; and then he would hear of Northern states arraying themselves against the Federal Government. And would that be the end? No; Missouri would be the next battle field, and then slavery would be driven to the wall. Her strength is only apparent; it consists half in Northern cowards and doughfaces. It has been brave and rampant only because the North has fled before it. It will run when the North faces it. He believed the time had come to use physical force."

"Gov. REEDER read to the convention the report from Kansas, of the dispersion of the

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Territorial Legislature by Colonel SUMNER, and remarked, at the close that he was sorry that the Legislature had not waited till driven out

at the point of the bayonet." (Cheers.) "Mr. L. R. NOBLE asked how many troops there were belonging to the United States in Kansas?

"Gov. REEDER said about 600.

"Mr. NOBLE-And how many in the entire army of the United States?

Governor REEDER-I believe 15,000. "Mr. NOBLE-I learn from a friend near me, that they can't send more than 10,000 men into Kansas; and so I say let us go on.

"GERRIT SMITH desired to see the contri butions continued.

"A delegate said he would give 100 men who did not fear the devil, and who, like CROMWELL, would praise God and keep their powder dry.

"GERRIT SMITH thought funds were wanted first, and hoped to see the subscription go on. He urged in several speeches that the time had come when it was necessary to use physical

force.

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"To this Governor REEDER replied that he was not in favor of waiting because they had not received wrongs enough, but thought it right to wait until they could strike an effective blow. If it remained with him to use the power of the Government, he would not have waited thus long, but the oppressors before this would have been converted into heaps of dead men on the fields of Missouri. But he was willing to wait until to-morrow, or two tomorrows. When on the trail of the enemy, against whom he had a deadly hate, he would follow him with cat-like tread, and would not strike until he could strike him surely dead. He was, therefore, willing to wait until they had the power he would thus have used. He did not wish to give the South notice of their Territory. The dragoons could go in as voters, intentions by marching armed men into the

or to cultivate the soil, and strike when the right time arrived. When the time came to strike, he wanted the South to have the first notice of the blow in the blow itself."

About this time MR. GIDDINGS is reported to have said :

"I look forward to the day when I shall see a servile insurrection at the South. When the black man supplied with British bayonets, and commanded by British officers, shall wage a war of extermination against the whites-when the master shall see his dwelling in flames, and his hearth polluted, and though I may not mock at their calamity, and laugh when their fear cometh, yet I shall hail it as the dawn of a political millenium.”

HENRY WARD BEECHER, in presenting a Sharpe's rifle to one of his Kansas proteges, said:

"It is a crime to shoot at a man and not hit him."

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