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on the 22d of January, 1862, which appeared in the Leavenworth Conservative, in which he shows that the firing on Sumter was not the beginning of the war:

The subject it presents is one of momentous import. It seems as if the extreme advocates ponents, were acting in concert, TOGETHER, of African slavery, and its most vehement opto precipitate a servile war the former by "For six long years we have fought as guer- making the most desperate attempt to overrillas, what we are now fighting as a regimenting an edict of universal emancipation, as a throw the Federal Union, the latter by demandThis war is a war which dates away back of Fort Sumter! On the cold hill side, in swamps and ferns, behind rocks and trees, ever since 54, we have made the long campaign. Away off there we have led the IDEAS of this age, always battling at home, and sometimes sending forth from among us a stern old missionary like JOHN BROWN, to show Virginia that the world does move.

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COL. BLAIR ON THE CAUSE OF THE WAR."

Col. FRANK P. BLAIR made a speech in Congress, on the 11th of April, 1862, and de nied that slavery is the "cause" of the war. He says:

"Every man acquainted with the facts knows that it is fallacious to call this 'a slaveholder's rebellion.' If such was the fact, two divisions of our army would have supported it without difficulty; the negroes themselves could have easily put down 250,000 slaveholders; but it is a matter of history that the slaveholders, as a body, were, the last and most reluctant to join the rebellion."

He thus states his theory of the rebellion: "It was the negro question, and not the slavery question, which made the rebellionquestions entirely different, and requiring entirely different treatment, and it is as necessary to understand the distinction, to enable us to deal with it successfully, as it is that the physician should know the disease which he is called on to treat and cure. If the rebellion was made by 250,000 slaveholders, for the sake . of perpetuating slavery, then it might be a complete remedy to extirpate the institution; but if the rebellion has grown out of the abhorence of the non-slaveholders for emancipation and amalgamation, and their dread of negro equality, how will their discontent be cured by the very measure, the mere apprehension of which has driven them into rebellion?"

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lawful, if not, as they say, the only legitimate way of saving the Union!

for a day nearer to the departure of the mails. "I reserve remarks on the military situation

"I am Sir, your ob't serv't,

"WILLIAM II. SEWARD. "CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq.," &c. ・

This expose of the designs of the "extreme" radicals was the cause of the Senatorial raid which demanded the removal of Mr. SEWARD from the Cabinet. But Mr. SEWARD had exposed nothing more than WASHINGTON, MADISON, JEFFERSON, JACKSON, DOUGLAS, and other great and good men had predicted. PARSON BROWNLOW ON THE ABOLITIONISTS. Parson BROWNLOW, in his debate with Parson PRYNE, in Philadelphia, in 1858, said: "A dissolution of the Union is what a large portion of the Northern Abolitionists are aiming at."-See Brownlow and Pryne's debates.

THURLOW WEED'S EVIDENCE.

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THURLOW WEED, for penning the following truth, was, as he avers, driven from the editorial chair of the Albany Journal:

"The chief architects of the rebellion, before it broke out, avowed that they were aided in their infernal designs by the ultra Abolitionists of the North. This was too true, for without said aid the South could never have been united against the Union. But for the incendiary recommendations, which rendered the otherwise useful Helper Book, a fire brand, North Carolina could not have been forced out of the Union. And even now, the ultra Abolition Press, and speech makers are aggravating the horrors they helped to create, and thus by playing into the hands of the leaders of the rebellion, are keeping down the Union men of the South, and rendering reunion difficult, if not impossible !"

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Now, a simple reflection will thoroughly strip this pretended pretext of hatred of slavery, as the foundation of a desire to dissolve the Union, of its treasonable gause. If hatred of slavery induced the New York Abolitionists to believe a dissolution of the Union would "result in the overthrow of slavery," they could not be such fools as to believe they could make willing allies of those who insisted on slavery as the "corner stone of their edifice." Indeed, these Abolitionists had furnished the very best reason to the slaveholders for a continuance of the Union, as the only means to save their "system." But hatred of slavery was not the moving cause of these Abolitionists. They were secessionists, per se, and only used the slavery ghost to frighten unsuspecting and otherwise well disposed persons into their schemes. The 'secessionists of the South" knew this, and hence they could agree to act together, not that they cared a straw about the slavery question, but only using that as the most convenient pretext for breaking up the Union. And so it was in 1814, when the secessionists of the Hartford Convention made opposition to slavery one of the corner stones of their disunion edifice. A large number of slaveholders went with them, well knowing that disunion, as the motive, was in the background, and slavery, as the shiboleth or pretext, in the foreground.

THE LATE GREAT NORTHERN CONSPIRACY.

that "Irrepressible Conflict," which Mr. SEWARD predicted in his Rochester speech, and which is now upon us.

MASSACHUSETTS FOR DISSOLUTION IN 1851.

In their State convention of 1851, the radicals of Massachusetts, on whom the mantle of the Hartford Convention had fallen, and animated by the same purposes

"Rosolved. That the constitution which provides for a slave representation and a slave oligarchy in Congress, which legalizes slave catching on every inch of American soil, which pledges the military and naval power of the country to keep four millions of chattle slaves in their chains, is to be trodden under foot, and pronounced accursed, however unexceptionable or valuable, it may be in its other provisions."

"That the one great issue before the country is the dissolution of the Union, in comparison with which all other issues with the slave power are as dust in the balance; therefore, we have given ourselves to the work of annulling this covenent with death,' as esential to our own innocency, and the speedy and everlasting overthrow of the slave power."

MASSACHUSETTS FOR DISSOLUTION IN 1856.

In 1856 the same party passed the following in convention:

"Resolved, 1st, That the necessity of disunion is written in the whole existing character and condition of the two sections of the counhabits and laws; in the dangers of our white try in their social organization, education, citizens in Kansas, and our colored_men in Boston; in the wounds of CHARLES SUMNER, and the laurels of his assailants, and no Government on earth was ever strong enough to hold together such opposing forces."

"Resolved, 2d, That this movement does not merely seek disunion, but the more perfect union of free States by the expulsion of the slave States from the Confederation, in which they have ever been an element of discord, danger, and disgrace.

"Resolved, 3d, That it is not probable that the ultimate severance of the Union will be an act of deliberation or discussion; but that a long period of deliberation and discussion must precede it, and here we meet to begin the work.

"Resolved, 4th, That henceforward, instead of regarding it as an objection to any system of policy, that it will lead to the separation of highest of all recommendations, and the greatthe States, we will proclaim that to be the est proof of statesmanship; and will support politically, such men and measures as appear to tend most to this result."

Having shown the wicked motive and the guilty occasion for war and secession, which not only "dates back of Sumter," but dates back of our constitution, and have been developing themselves for more than sixty years, we will now exhibit to the world the modus operandi by which the motive was to be gratified, and the occasion fully developed. It will hardly be practicable in all cases to place the sayings, doing and resolves of the conspirators in chronological order, nor shall we endeavor to set down aught in malice or aught extenu- In 1855 Senator WADE, of Ohio, made a ate. The object of the authors of the follow-speech in Portland Maine, in which he deing extract was no doubt to stir up and hasten clared:

BEN. WADE ON DISSOLUTION.

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and disunionists have attempted to bring about. There is merit in the Republican party. It is. the first sectional party ever organized in this country. It does not know its own face, but calls itself national; but it is not national-it it secțional. The Republican party is a party of the North pledged against the South."Wendell Phillips.

"Resolved, That the Union was established to secure the liberties of American citizens. When it fails to do that, our only voice can be, let the Union be dissolved."--Lowell Republican Resolution.

The Boston Liberator, in an article headed in large type-"But one issue-the dissolution of the Union"-recommends signatures to a petition for that purpose, of which the following is the spirit:

"We therefore believe that the time has come for a new arrangement of elements so hostile; of interests so irreconcilable, of institutions; so incongruous; and we earnestly request Congress, at its present session, to take initiatory measures for the speedy, peaceful and quiet dissolution of the existing Union, as the exigencies of the case require."

"If the Republicans fail at the ballot-box, we shall be forced to drive back the slaveocrats with fire and sword."-James Watson Webbin 1856.

Resolved, That Constitution, or no Constitution, law, or no law, we will not allow a fugitive slave to be taken from Massachusetts.” -Boston Free Soilers of 1854.

"I have before declared that the path of duty was clear as to the fugitive slave act, and that I am bound to disobey it!"-Chas. Sum

The Montrose Democrat of May 10th, 1856, ner, Sept. 1854. says:

"We recollect a little over a year ago, that we heard Mr. WILMOT make the following de

claration:

''I am determined to arouse the people to the importance of the slavery issue, and get up an organization through which they can get control of the Government in 1856. And if I become satisfied that these efforts will fail, and that the people will not assert their rights, then I'll be d-d if I dont join the party that I think will send the country to h-1 the quickest!"'"

MORE TREASONABLE EXTRACTS.

"In conclusion I have only to add that such is my solemn and abiding conviction of the character of slavery, and under a full sense of my responsibility to my country and my God, I deliberately say, better disunion-better a civil or servile war-better anything that God better anything that God in his providence shall send-than an extension of the bonds of slavery."-Hon Horace Mann

"No man has a right to be surprised at this state of things. It is just what we abilitionists

The True American, a Republican organ in Erie county, Pa., in commenting upon a speech delivered at a Democratic meeting, said:

"This twaddle about the Union and its preservation is too silly and sickening for any good effect. We think the liberty of a single slave is worth more than all the Unions God's

universe can hold."

The Hampshire (Mass.) Gazette of August 23d, 1856, a Republican organ, published a letter from a citizen of Northampton, who was engaged in circulating there the petition for a dissolution of the Union, wherein he stated that-

more than one hundred and fifty legal voters of that town have signed this petition." Resolution adopted on motion of WENDELL PHILLIPS, by the American Anti-Slavery Society, New York, May, 1848.

"Resolved, That recognizing as we do, with profound gratitude, the wonderful progress our cause has made during the last eighteen years,

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Resolution adopted by the American Anti-Slavery Society, New York, December, 1858.

"Whereas, The dissolution of the present imperfect and inglorious Union between the

CHAPTER XII.

PROGRESS OF THE NORTHERN CONSPIRACY(CONTINUED).

Charles Sumner Advises Nullification and Disobedience to the Laws...Claims the Republican Party as Sectional, and suited to his Purpose...Greeley's Insult to the Flag The "Flaunting Lie"...Is this an Abolition War?...Testimony of Gov. Stone, of Iowa...Statement of M. B. Lowry... Phillips on Secession..."Chicago Tribune and the Tax Bill...Extracts from a MassachusettsPamphlet... Abuse of the Framers of the Constitution...: Similarity between Northern and Southern Disunionists.

. CHARLES SUMNER ON NULLIFICATION. To show that CHARLES SUMNER came hon

free and slave States would result in the over-estly by his nullification and resistance-tothrow of slavery and the consequent foundation of a more perfect and glorious Union, without the incubus of slavery, therefore

Resolved, That we invite a free correspondence with the disunionists of the South, in order to devise the most suitable way and means to secure the consummation so devoutly to be wished,

Resolution adopted by the Essex County (Mass.,) AntiSlavery Society, May 16, 1862.

'Resolved, That the war as hitherto, prosecuted, is but a wanton waste of property, a dreadful sacrifice of life, and worse than all, of conscience and of character, to preserve and perpetuate a Union and Constitution which should never have existed, and which, by all the laws of justice and humanity, should in their present form, be at once and forever overthrown:"

From Redmond's Speech, Boston.

“Remembering that he was a slaveholder, he could spit upon Washington. * * So near to Faneuil Hall and Bunker Hill, was he not to be permitted to say that scoundrel GEORGE

WASHINGTON had enslaved his fellow men???

From Phillips' Speech, same occasion. "Washington was a sinner. It became an American to cover his face when he placed his bust among the great men of the world."

And again another time:

"I have labored nineteen years to take fif teen States out of the Union; and if I have spent any nineteen years to the satisfaction of my Puritan conscience, it was those nineteen years."?

From Parker Pillsbury's Speech, April, 1862, “I do not wish to see this government prolonged another day in the present form. I have been for twenty years attempting to overthrow the present dynasty. The constitution never was so much an engine of cruelty and crime as at the present hour. I am not rejoiced at the tidings of victory to the northern arms; I would far rather see defeat, eto."

From Stephen F. Forters's Speech, Boston, 1862.

"I have endeavored to dissuade every young man I could from enlisting, telling them that they were going to fight for slavery:"

law doctrine, we present the following extract from his speech delivered at Worcester, Massachusetts, Sept. 7, 1854, just after the slave ANTHONY BURNS had been rescued from the Boston mob, at which poor BACHELDER Was killed by said mob, while in the discharge of his duty, in guarding the prisoner. Mr. SUMNER, among other things said:

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"But it is sometimes gravely urged that since the Supreme Court of the United States has affirmed the constitutionality of the Fugitive act, there only remains to us in all places, whether in public station or as private citizens, the duty of absolute submission. Now, without stopping to consider the soundness of their judgment, affirming the constitutionality of this act, let me say that the Constitution of the United States, as I understand it, exacts no who is not lost to self respect, and ready to such passive obedience, and no man, abandon the manhood which is shown in the heaven directed countenance, will voluntarily aid in enforcing a "judgment which in his ? conscience he solemnly believes to be against, the fundamental law, whether of the Constitution or of God! The whole dogma of passive obedience must be rejected-in whatever guise it may assume, and under whatever alias it may skulk; whether in the tyranical usurpations of king parliament ore judicial tribunal."

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He thus sets off the aims and objects of the Republican party just then organized:

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"To the true-hearted, magnanimous men who are ready to place Freedom above Party, and their party above Politicians, I appeal.(Immense cheering.) Let them leave the old parties, and blend in an organization, which, without compromise, will maintain the good cause surely to the end. Here, in Massachusetts s large majority of the people concur in sentiment on slavery; a large majority desire the overthrow of the slave power. It becomes them not to scatter their votes, but to unite in one firm consistent phalanx, (applause) whose triumph shall constitute an epoch of Freedom, not only in this commonwealth, but throughout the land. Such an organization is now pre

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must he devoured the fruits (the war) of his pious labors.

As an original proposition, with no constitution to bind us, we should never have been in favor of the Fugitive Slave Law. But it was passed in 1793, by our fathers, in pursuance of a solemn, constitutional agreement they had entered into. WASHINGTON, the Father of his

"But let me ask gentlemen who are disposed to abandon their own understanding of the Constitution, to submit their conscience to the Country, President of the Constitutional Constandard of other men, by whose understand- vention, and as President of the United States, ing do they swear? Surely not by that of the signed that law, and gave it vitality. The SuPresident. This is not alleged. But by the understanding of the Supreme Court. In oth- preme Court in many instances declared it to er words, to this Court, consisting at present be enacted in accordance with the constituof nine persons, is committed a power of fast. tion; and all good citizens were bound to yield ening such interpretation as they see fit upon to its requirements, whether they personally any part of the Constitution-adding to it or sub tracting from it-or positively varying its liked it or not. But, as we have seen, there requirements-actually making and uhmaking was from the beginning, a powerful faction in the Constitution; and all good citizens must our country, opposed to our Government, who bow to their work as of equal authority with were ready to seize the most favorable pretext the original instrument, ratified by solemn votes of the whole people. [Great applause.] If this to consummate their destroying object. As we be so, then the oath to support the Constitu- have already seen this pretext assumed various tion of the United States is hardly less offen- shapes and forms-anything to cater to the sive than the famous "et cetera" oath devised by Archbishop Laud, in which the subject prevailing whims of the day. The thing or swore to certain specified things, with an "&c." idea that could produce the greatest "irritaadded. Such an oath I have not taken. [Good, tion" was always in the vanguard. In 1798, it good.] was slavery and commerce. In 1812, &c., it was the array of the Agricultural against the Commercial States-Peace "vs. War, &c. In 1833, the "oppressive tariff of 1828" was held up, as the initiating pretext, and from that time till 1860 the most prolific of all "irritations"-the slavery question-furnished the pretext.

For myself, let me say that I hold judges, and especially the Supreme Court of the country, in much respect; but I am too familiar with the history of judicial proceedings to regard them with any superstitious reverence.[Sensation.]

He thus clinches the subject, by boldly setting up the purpose of the Republican organization, to "overthrow the slave power" and "to open the gates of emancipation in the slave Btates:"

"To the overthrow of the slave power we are thus summoned by a double call, one political and the other philanthropic; first, to remove an oppressive tyranny from the National Government, and secondly, to open the gates of Emancipation in the Slave states. [Loud applause.]

In all those quotations we have made from old, and latter-day Federals, and from their progeny, the Republicans and Abolitionists, we request the reader to particularly notice the great similarity in the animus and "style" of denunciation.

When, in 1854, the slave Burns had been delivered at Boston, and put on board of a United States vessel, in charge of his claim

"But while keeping this great purpose in view, we must not forget details. The existant, in pursuance of that law which Mr. SUMence of slavery anywhere within the national jurisdiction-in the territories, in the District of Columbia, or on the high seas beneath the national flag, is an unconstitutional usurpation, which must be opposed. The Fugitive Slave Bill, monstrous in cruelty, as in unconstitutionality, is a usurpation which must be opposed."

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NER advised his followers to resist, though the
supreme tribunal of the land had decided it
constitutional, the New York Tribune, true to
the instincts and purposes of the old haters of
our Government, garnished its columns with
the following poetical rhodomontade:

THE AMERICAN FLAG.
[From the New York Tribune, 1854.]
All hail the flaunting lie!
The stars look pale and dim;
The stripes are bloody scars-
A lie the vaunting hymn!

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