of sophistry cannot make white appear black, | in prison, and keep him there so long as it nor transform a substantive, ponderable reality into a chimera or imponderable phantom. Those that have eyes, not totally blinded by passion, by prejudice, or by self-interest can see; those that have ears may hear—and hearing and seeing give evidence against a world of scepticism.

shall suit his pleasure; or he may order the seizure of his property and the scattering it to the four winds. He may order any man or any number of men, though as innocent as the unborn infant, to be shot and quartered, and there is no power to punish him or to call him to account. If he or the officers under him are prosecuted for malicious arrest, and imprisonment, all that is necessary is, to plead that the act was done by order of the President or by one acting under his order. That ends the case.

But says one, that law is unconstitutional, and can never stand the test of judicial scrutiny. We grant it. Any Constitution that could tolerate the exercise of such power in peaceful communities, would be nothing but a charter of despotism. But how are you to get before the proper tribunal to determine the unconstitutionality of that act? You cannot do it; for the same act authorizes the President to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, a license he has exercised to the fullest extent; so that no civil powers can have effect.

It is a shrewd policy to allow the people for a while some of their rights, lest a counter revolution might be inconvenient and troublesome.

EDUCATING THE ARMY TO THE NEW ROLE,

Look to our army. Has it been only the object of the "powers," to educate that army in the arts and sciences of war, and to make it efficient as against the foe? By no means. That from the first,that army has been tampered with, and more pains has been taken in certain quarters to bring it up to the required standard of political discipline, than to make it efficient in military acquirements cannot be doubted. Let us cite a few facts from the scores we have in store.

ADJUTANT GENERAL THOMAS PREACHING
POLITICS TO THE SOLDIERS.

try to his brother in the Legislature of 1863, which was published in the Wisconsin Patriot.

*

"Some of our officers got together last Sunday and passed a number of resolutions, which I presume you have seen before this, for they were sent to the State Journal to be publish~ ed. * * Some of the resolutions were voted on by some of the soldiers, and some were strongly opposed to them, but they have since come to consider on the political object of the resolutions, and that the real purpose is to keep them longer a fighting for the negro, without one ray of hope for the Union, and all to give certain officers a certain share of ths spoils of cotton and other trophies, and from a pretty general conversation with the boys of the regiment, I believed that if called upon to-day to vote on those resolutions, that not five of the rank and file in the whole regiment would vote for them, though from the reign of terror which prevails over the soldier who is not much better in the eyes of the officers than a nigger, they would remain passive, as many of them do, when called upon by shoulder straps to aid political schemes or cot

In 1862, Adjutant General Thomas was sent out to the West, ostensibly to look after contrabands, and organize negro regiments; button forays. his real object seems to have been to make political speeches to the soldiers, and to require of them unequivocal recognition of the political policy of the Administration.

About the time when he first made his appearance in the army of the West, the celebrated "anti-copperhead resolutions" began to pour forth from the army, deluging the whole North, with the most blood-thirty denunciations and threats against a majority of the people at home, threatening that as soon as the army should return they would exterminate the "copperheads" (meaning Democrats,) with fire and sword. These epistles and resolves, it is believed were instigated by this Adjutant General THOMAS, who set that ball in motion to effect the Northern elections. But, although many of those bloodthirsty resolves were represented to have been passed by a unanimous vote in most instances, yet it is in proof, and as soon as we dare publish a long array of private correspondence, and not subject good brave soldiers to the severe punishments that would follow their exposure, we shall give to the world evidence that in most cases the soldiers either silently permitted those diabolical resolutions to pass, without protest (for fear of the consequences) or by their silence were claimed as having assented.

HOW THE SOLDIERS VIEW IT.

Below we give an extract from a letter written by a member of the 12th Wisconsin Infan

diers the 'boys,' I mean, dared to speak their "We are all under ban here, but if the solhonest sentiments, there would be a hot row in camp. * *I would not dare to speak my sentiments here, as I now write them to you, punished by some picked guard, I should be for if I were not immediately locked up and. subject to extra-hazardous services, and in one way or another be made to pay dearly for wri ting what I know to be true," &c.

We have hundreds of such articles before us, but this must suffice as a sample, which demonstrates the fact that the army is being used to propogate political ideas and dogmas.

After Adjutant General THOMAS had suc ceeded in getti.. g a series of threatening resolutions issued from each camp, he took to hare ranguing the soldiers, to get expressions from them direct in favor of the political policy of the Administration, punishing such as refused to hurra for such measures. Startle not, reader, for we shall let

GEN. THOMAS SPEAK FOR HIMSELF.

After Adjutant General THOMAS returned to Washington, he rendered his own account in his own way, of his acts in the West:

"I was compelled to speak to the troops;. [who "compelled" him, except it was the President, his superior?] along the route-speaking in one day some seven or eight times. During my tour I met an Irish Regiment, the 90th Illinois, from Chicago-men who read the Chicago Times. After talking to them awhile,

*This paper had published he resolutions as having been unanimously passed.

I proposed three cheers for the President of the United States. These were given heartily, Three cheers were then proposed for the settled policy of the United States, [the Administration] in regard to negroes. This was met by

cries of 'No!' 'No!"

"The Colonel was absent, and the Lieut. Colonel was in command. I enquired what such conduct meant? The Lieut. Colonel endeavored to excuse the men by saying that they had no opportunity to look over the matter: I replied "you are not telling the truth, sir! I know that they have been discussing this question for a week past. I know the fact if you do not.' The officer was coniderably mortified. [It is well for Adjutant Gen. Thomas that he did not provoke that kind of "mortification" which an Old Hickory would have manifested.]

"I ordered those who were opposed to this policy of the government, to step forward, and said I knew the regiment had seen consider ble service and fought well! but I also knew there was but little discipline observed among them that I wanted a distinct recognition of this doctrine-that was the first with me. Several stepped forward. They were instantly seized and sent to the guard-house.

"I then left the regiment, telling them I would give them a week to consider what they would do. At the next Station I met the Col. of the regiment, who begged that I would leave the matter in his hands, and he would see that the men were taught the duty of soldiers. I complied with the request."

Such is the confession (we use the term in its legitimate sense) of this political avant courier-this man, who supported the traitor BRECKINRIDGE on the platform that the constitution carried slavery everywhere, and protected it. This is the man who attempted to abolitionize the army, and what he lacked in offers of promotion he made up in "military discipline," threats and punishment.

Now, let us enquire what right has the Administration to own and control the private opinions of those who fight the battles of the country? This political Ajax admits they fought well-no complaint ever rested against them for any dereliction of military duty-but they were "instantly seized and placed in the guard house," and for what? Because they could not forswear their manhood-deny their political principles-as sacred to them as their religion, and acknowledge what they believed

to be a lie.

Who will have the courage to face posterity

what more ought to be required of them? But
no, this will not do. The Administration has
a purpose in view. No one can be so foolish
and illogical as to believe the "powers" care a
fig for the private opinions of soldiers so long
as they do not come in contact with the pur-
pose of said "powers." But, suppose we are
correct in awarding motives of despotic domin-
ion in the radical leaders, whould we not look
for just such measures? A despotism could
not be consummated without the aid of the
army. That army must be moulded to the
very purpose in view. All conservatism must
be forced out of the army by the pressure of
discipline, so that when the time for action
shall come, that army can be relied on, in
every emergency. If it should become neces-
sary to march into the North and murder the
"copperheads" (the Democrats) the soldiers
must be first prepared for it. Hence the "an-
ti-copperhead resolutions," committing the
army by threats to this very thing. Hence,
the bloodthirsty epistles of Secretary STANTON
to the Cooper Institute meeting, and the blood-
thirsty speeches of Senators WILSON, Lane,
and others-hence, the bloodthirsty and in-
flammatory articles in the radical press.

GEN. HALLECK AS A TUTOR.

The Republicans had a meeting in Union Square, in April, 1863. A great number of Abolition celebrities were there, who threw out bloody threats and hints. Gen. HALLECK was not present, but he wrote a letter from which we seclect the following Robesperrian threat:

"We have already made immense progress in this war-a greater progress than was ever before made under similar circumstances. Our armies are still advancing, and if sustained by the voice of the patriotic millions at home, they will ere long crush the rebellion in the south, and then place their heels upon the heads of sneeking traitors in the North.

"Very respectfully, your ob't serv't

"W. H. HALLECK, General-in-Chief," Not content with uttering this bloodthirsty threat against two millions of voters in the north, as Mr HALLECK, but he adds the weight of his high office, as "General-in-Chief."

OTHER SENTIMENTS AND THREATS.
Mr. SEWARD also wrote a letter in which he

quence:

in the mirror of history, and say this was remarked, in his most grandiloquent eloright? If soldiers fight well" and obey all the lawful military commands of their superiors, in the name of God and their country,

"Let us ask each other no questions about how the nation shall govern itself," or "who

shall preside in its councils in the great future," &c.

This is the same syren song, under the narcotic and "', piatic" influence of which Greece, Rome and Athens went to sleep, to wake no

more.

Mr. CHASE in speaking of slavery to the same meeting said:

"What matter now how it dies? Whether as

a consequnce or as an object of the war-what

matter.'

Mr. Post Master General BLAIR also spoke at that meeting, and illustrated the Administration's new definition of "treason;"

spoke of the

*

"Creatures in the Free States
* spared
by the clemency of the Administration, that
call themselves Democrats. But these men in
the North are only so many men on gibbets."

THE CASE OF LIEUT. EDGERLEY.

As exhibiting further the object of the Administration to compel the army through fear › of punishment to succumb to the political schemes and purposes of the Administration, we place before the reader the following ex

tract from

"SPECIAL ORDER NO. 119.

"WAR DERARTMENT, ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE, WASHINGTON, March 13, 1863. "33. By direction of the President, the following officers are hereby dismissed the service of the United States.

*

Lieut. A.

G. Edgerly, 4th New Hampshire Volunteers, for circulating Copperhead tickets, and doing all in his power to promote the rebel cause [meaning the Democratic ticket] in his state. "By order of the Secretary of War.

"L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. "To the Governor of New Hampshire." We hardly know how to command language adequate to express the official turpitude of this transaction. Here, the only charge that was brought against the Lieutenant, was voting the Democratic ticket. For that is just what it amounts to. It is the first time in the history of this or any other government, that the vile nicknames of party have been used in official orders emanating from the high officers of Government. It shows the revolutionary spirit of those in power, and the act itself, demonstrates beyond a cavail, that it is the intention of the "powers that be" to use what | power they have to compel the army to become the agent, when the decisive hour shall arrive, to crush out the last remnant of liberty, and to throw a wall of bayonets around the throne

of despotism. If this is not the legitimate have here recorded, then we confess to a lameaning, aim and purpose of such acts as we mentable incapacity to read men's intentions by the light of their conduct.

THE CONSCRIPTION BILL.

This act by the last Congress was an unnecessary violation of the Constitution, for the same objects could have been obtained strictly in occordance with the Constitution. But that

would not suit the purposes of despotism. The Constitution of the United States clearly places the militia under the control of the states, until called into actual service by the United States.

Section 2, of Art. II., of the Constitution of the United States, declares that the President shall be

"Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States."

By this it would seem that the militia belongs to the States, and is exclusively under State control, until actually called into the service of the United States.

Subdivisions 14 and 15 of Sec. 8, Art. I., also make similar provisions,

tution entirely, (so decided by the Supreme But, the Conscription Act ignores the constithe people, and enrols them as the United Court of Pennsylvania) because it calls upon

States militia, without reference to the States. This is just what one would expect from those who intended to establish a despotism. for if the soldiers were called for by the mode prescribed in the fundamental law, and it turned out that they were actually being used for despotic purposes, the States might refuse to grant them, and thus the purposes of despotism might be thwarted. But as it is--if the conscription act can be fully carried out, troops may be obtained to any number without asking their consent of the States.

When the conscription bill was on its passage in the House of Representatives

the men thus called into service shall be by the "Mr. Wickliffe offered an amendment that Governors of the States organized into companies and regiments, with officers to command them, appointed by the authority of each stitution of the United States. Rejected, ayes State, according to the provisions of the con55, noes 103."

This clearly demonstrates the real purpose of the radicals-to place the militia of the States at the unlimited command of the President, for any and whatever purposes he chooses to employ them.

We have already alluded to the despotic power by which a Democratic convention was broken up in Kentucky-how the Kentucky election was controlled under martial lawhow the sword controlled the elections in Maryland, Delaware, Missouri, &c. These outrages were thus avowed and excused by the organ of Gov. ANDREW and CHAS, SUMNER:

4

and this reminds us of the answer of the English Bishop to the question:

"Pray, my lord, is it not difficult to trace the exact line between orthodoxy and heterodoxy?"

To which the more honest than discreet divine replied:

"Not at all, nothing can be more simple. Orthodoxy is my doxy, and heterodoxy is any other man's doxy'.'

This illustrates the intolerent arrogance of Abolitionism:

WHAT SENATOR WILSON SAID.

In a speech he made during the Maine canvass at Brunswick in that state, just preceding the election, he declared:

"We shall subjugate the rebel states; that's the word-subjugation! And we will conquer the rebellion in New York. Forty-five regiments are there to do it, every soldier of which, as I told you before, would sooner shoot a copperhead than a rebel soldier."

A LEAF FROM HISTORY.

The following extracts are from Allison's History of Europe, vol. 1, chap. 14, should be read to be appreciated, by the light of the VALLANDIGHAM trial, and such diatribes as we have quoted from Senators WILSON, LANE, HALLECK, &c.:

"The Thirty-eighth Congress is about to assemble. The Senate will have a large admintration majority, and the House one sufficiently large to elect the caucus nomination for Speaker, Clerk, and other officers. We say this without having carefully examined the tables, for we assume that the administration would not have resorted to its somewhat extraordinary means of carrying elections in the Border States, unless it had been sure that these means, successfully used, would give it a working majority. We do not find fault with the machinery used to carry Maryland and Delaware. Having nearly lost the control of the House by its blunders in the conduct of the war from March, 1861, to the fall of 1862, the administration owed it to the country to recovTo recover it reguer that control somehow. larly was impossible; so irregularity had to be resorted to. Popular institutions will not suf"In pursuance of these views, St. Just made fer, for the copperhead element will have a much larger number of members in both a labored report to the general police of the branches than it is entitled to by its popular commonwealth, in which recapitulated all the vote. Ohio, with its ninety thousand Republi- stories of conspiracies against the Republic, can majority, will be represented by five Re- explaining them as efforts of every species of publicans and a dozen or more copperheads.- vice against the austere rule of the people, and It is fitting that this misrepresentation of pop- concluding with holding out the the necessity ular sentiment in the great state of the West of the government striking without intermisshould be offset, if necessary, by a loyal dele-sion till it had cut off all those whose corrupgation from Maryland and Delaware, won even tion opposed itself to the establishment of virThe foundation of all great instituat the expense of military interference. If laws 'tue. are silent amid the clank of arms, we must take tions," said he, "is terror. Where would now care that the aggregate public opinion of the have been an indulgent Republic? We have country obtains recognition, somehow or other." opposed the sword to the sword, and its power Boston Commonwealth. is in consequence established. It has emerged from the storm, and its origin is like that of the earth out of the confusion of chaos, and of man who weeps in the hour of nativity." As a consequence of these principles, he proposed a general measure of proscription against all the nobles, as the irreconcilable opponents of the Revolution: "You will never, said he, "satisfy the enemies of the people till you have re-established tyranny in all its horrors. They can never be at peace with you; you do not speak the same language; you will never understand each other. Banish them by an inexorable law; the universe may receive them, and the public safety is our justification." He then proposed a decree which banished all the ex-nobles, all strangers from

That is a pretty bold defense of villainy.The Commonwealth is an organ of the Gov. ANDREW negro school of politics, and he openly advocates the use of the bayonet against the ballot. We suppose those who advocate giving Mr. LINCOLN "all the men and all the money he wants," will be highly delighted with this

use made of them!

Such despotic acts committed by any other party would be denounced with the most vehement howlings, but being committed by the "loyal" party, they are considered all right,