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EMANCIPATION.

slaves, should be retained, nevertheless, ably feel and say just what the people of Pennamong them, and admitted as equals and as sylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois feel and partners in political power, in defiance of the say on this subject. Illinois has just held a

convention and formed a new constitution, Constitution of the United States, and the which excludes free colored men, as did the laws even of the Northern States, which brand old constitution. Indiana has a similar prothem with the badge of inferiority and politic- vision, either by constitutional requirement or

by legislative enactment. Ohio had, until al disability ? He adds :

quite recently, a law by which a free colored "Would not the inextinguishable memory of man was required to give bail for his good bewrongs on one side, and of admitted niastery havior. Nor are the people of New England on the other, make patiënt acquiescence on devoid of this same feeling either. By the either side impossible ? All the bloodiest rev- laws of Massachusetts intermarriages between olutions of ancient and modern times have these races are forbidden as criminal. Why been those broached by slaves against enslav- forbidden?. Simply because natural instinct

Our civil war, closing in the manumis- revolts against it as wrong. Come down to the sion of four million of slaves, to take equal practical question whether, if the whole negro rank with six million of enslavers, would be population of the United States should be set but the prelude to a servile war of extermina- free, and be apportioned and distributed among tion. The advocates of this hybrid policy the several states, and you would find just as know this, but they think the negro so essen

much repugnance in New England as you now tial to the selfish purposes of their political see exhibited in Illinois, Indiana, or Pennsylambition that, like Calhoun, they are willing. vania. Their humanity would rejoice at their to make him, as well as those who hold him in freedom, but their instincts would shrink back durance, the victim of their policy."

at their apportionment.

“Sir, when we come to the thing itself, and We place these sayings on record, for the look it squarely in the face, it is a very imtime is at hand when the Democracy can make portant question what is to be done in relation good use of them.

to this race of people when they are emanci

pated. Within this District, and within the SENATOR DOOLITTLE ON COLONIZATION AND territories, we have all power and all respon

sibility. Within the several states, however,

it belongs to them and to their people. They Mr. DOOLITTLE, on the 19th of March, 1862, have the undoubted right to reguliite, as they in the United States Senate, delivered the fol- have always regulated, their own policy upon

this subject for themselves. We know how lowing remarks. Let everybody read them:

much that policy varies, in free as well as slave "I know it is sometimes said that the object-states. In some free states they have civil ion which is felt on the part of the white pop- rights alone; in others, political rights, also. ulation to living side by side on a footing of. In others still, they are forbidden to come at social and civil equality with the negro race is all. The slave states have poculiar policies of mere prejudice. Sir, it has its foundation their own. In none are free negroes allowed deeper; it is in the very instincts of our nature, to come. Some will not allow a negro to be which are stronger and oftentimes truer than emancipated unless he is taken out of the state; reason itself. Men of wealth and fortune, men and within the last few years some of them of high wrought education, and men of rank have passed most cruel laws to compel those and position, who are removed above the trials already free to leave the state or be reenslaved and sympathies of the great mass of låboring and sold at the auction block. men, may reason and theorize about social and

"All this goes to demonstrate that Jefferson political equality between the white and the knew as much about the question as the new colored race; but I tell you as a practical-fact, lights of the present day. "He, who was himit is simply an impossibility. Our very in- self the author of the declaration of the equal stincts are against it. Let us look at the facts, rights of all the races of mankind, declares to and neither deceive ourselves nor deceive any- you also as a fact indisputable, that the two body else. How do the people of the free states races upon the same soil, side by side, in any. stand on this question? In my state there are thing like equal numbers, cannot and will not so few colored men that there is now no great live together upon a footing of equality. feeling on the subject one way or the other; "To illustrate this feeling in the slave states but suppose it should now be proposed to dis- still further, I will state another fact not gentribute the whole negro population equally çrally known, and I do so upon the authority among the states, which would bring into the of Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, in 1856, state of Wisconsin about one hundred and when he was Governor, there were fears of a twenty thousand, say seven thousand to Mil- negro insurrection in that state. Large numwaukee, and from one to two thousand to each bers of the non-slaveholding white population of the towns of Racine, Madison, Janesville, called upon him as Governor fo: arms. For Kenosha, Watertown, Oshkosh, Fond du Lac, what purpose? To prevent an insurrection of and other places, what would be the feelings the slaves? This was the alleged purpose; but then? What would our people, native and for- he ascertained the fact to be that these men eign-born, say to that? Sir, they would prob- l were conspiring to massacre the whole negro

population in that section of the state, and he | But the power was wrested from their hands. was compelled to call out the militia, not to Their dream is broken, and for that they make prevent negroes from raising in insurrection, war upon the Government they could not hold... but to prevent the whites from destroying them

JOHN BROWN'S SOLUTION. altogether. "I know this bill relates only to slaves in

"The second is John Brown's solution. It the District Columbia, and my amendment to is based on this idea that all the negro popu-to colonization from this District only; but it lation of the United States shall be instantly naturally opens the whole field of discussion set free, by act of Congress, or by arms, where of the true relations of the two races towards they now åre, side by side with their masters, each other. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, throughout all the slave states, and placed on Monroe, Clay and Jackson, not only loved

a footing of equality, entitled to all the rightsliberty as ardently as we do, but they under- of mannood, civil and political of the citizens stood this question of race in all its bearings of those states; at once trampling down the It is well known they all favored emancipation rights of the states, and producing

a system of with colonization. I state a fact not generally equality which would bring the laboring white known, that General Jackson, when President, man and the laboring colored man precisely." in Cahinet council, intending to carry out this upon the same level, to compete for wages in policy, proposed the purchase of some territory the same market. This, of necessity, where from Mexico, to become the homes of free their numbers bear any proportion to each colored men, to be occupied as a territory for other, must lead to an “irrepressible.conflict” themselves and all who should become eman- of race, and to the expulsion of one or the cirated. But the troubles growing out of the other, or to amalgamation of races, to produce treason of Calhoun postponed any definite ac in the Southern States the same condition that tion. "But the day for action is at hand; it cannot states, and thus solve the negro question.

exists in Mexico, making them into mulatto be postponed. There must be a solution. It

66 This is the John Brown solution. The belongs, it is true, mainly to the people of the first, through Davis and Toombs, fourteen .

It

sago, said, “down with the contration;

over Mexico and Central America, as fast as ria, and other tropical states, to acquire rights we can acquire it, or we will destroy the Govof settlement and of citizenship for all free

ernment." The second cries, 'down with the persons of African descent who may desire to Constitution. It is a covenant with hell. It migrate to those countries, and thus, with very gives Congress no power to abolish slavery in little expense gain free homesteads for them the states. Make a new Constitution. Sir, I and their children forever. This would open will not yield to the demands of either. the way for the slaveholding states, if any of them desire to avail themselves of the opportu

JEFFERSON'S SOLUTION. nity, to emancipate and colonize their slaves,

"I have stood and will continue to stand for and thus open their own rich fields to be forever the homes of the pure Anglo-Saxon race.

that solution of the negro question which Jef"There are, and there can be, in my judg- ferson, the author of the Declaration of Indement but three solutions to this negro question. pendence, himself, proposes, which, while it One is the solution of John Calhoun, one of will in the end give universal liberty to uniJohn Brown, and a third midway and equally versal man, will gradually and peacefully sepremoved from both extremes, the solution of arate these two races for the highest good and Thomas Jefferson.

to the joy of both; giving to each in their own place the enjoyments of their rights, civil, so

cial, political. That solution is in accordance CALHOUN'S SOLUTION.

with that law of the Almighty by which the "Calhoun and his followers, Toombs and black man, dominates the tropics, and always

will; by which our race dominates the temDavis, say, in substance:

perate zone, and will forever. It is easier to "Slayery is a blessing to mankind, black and white.

work with Him than against Him. When we Extend it everywhere; reopen the slave trade, bring all Africa into Slavery, to christianize and civilize the negro accept the solution of Jefferson, which falls race; buy if you can, if not, seize Cuba and all central neither into the fanaticism of the one nor the and trophical America; plant slavery all around the blindness of the other, we shall see the beginGulf of Mexico and the Carribbean Sea, until the slave- ning of the end of that irrepressible conflict, holding aristocracy, proclaming 'cotton as king,' reaching through the valley of the Orinoco to the valley of the more of race than of condition, which has disAmazon, shall shake hands with the slaveholding empire turbed us so long. Until it be saved, there of Brazil. Then shall slavery, the great Dagon at whose can be no permanent peace. shrine we worship, hold within its embrace a monopoly of the sugar and the cotton of the world."

"Mr. President, what idea - underlies the

war now going on? The leaders of the rebel"This is the solution of southern fanaticism; lion were goaded to it by mad ambition. Slavethis is the dream of southern mad ambitioni- ry was their pretext; but the great mass of the It is a gigantic dream. Could they have held non-slaveholding people were deluded into it. the Government for one or two administrations They were told, and became maddened at the more, they would have struggled to realize it. I thought, that the purpose of the Republican

seven

party is not merely to prevent slavery going would emancipate at least 2,000,000 slaves, into the territories and abolish it in this Dis- and indirectly, perhaps, the whole 4,000,000. trict, where we have the power, but that its He thought, at least, half the slaves belonged

overturn slavery in the to rebel masters. states; to put the black man there upon a foot- "Mr. Sherman, (rep.) of Ohio, in his seat ing of social and political equality with them- -Seven-eighths. selves and their wives and children. They “Mr. Doolittle-My friend says were made to believe that John Brown was its eighths. That makes the case still stronger. true representative; that if Mr. Lincoln should "Mr. Wade, (rep.) of Ohio, in his seatbe elected, the slaves would be set free and And still better. armed against their masters. They believed "Mr. Doolittle continued, and said the conit. That belief brought before their eyes, to stitution was just as supreme in withholding be re-enacted at their own homes, all the hor- as granting powers, and if Congress underrors of St. Domingo--fire, rape, and slaughter;, takes to trample on the constitution by usurpdwellings burned, children butchered, wives | ing powers not granted, it is just as much reand daughters ravished upon the dead bodies bellian and revolution as the acts of the insurof their husbands and fathers. They were reclionary states. If the Federal government made to belive it all. That belief drove them can thus usurp power, then the days of the Reto frenzy. That alone roused in their breasts, public are past, and the days of Empire begun. a passion too strong for their patriotism. That Congress has power to punish treason and supalone made them desert the flag of the Union press insurrection. The bill of the Senator and take up arms against this Government. from Illinois is framed under the power to sup

“What we may constitutionally and justly press insurrection, and the bill of the Senator do to confiscate the property, including slaves, from Vermont (Mr. Collamer) framed under of the leading conspirators upon whom this both these powers. He contended that the crime rests, which

limitation of the constitution in regard to bills

of attainder prohibits Congress forfeiting real "Hell, with all its powers to damn,"

estate, except during life; but does not apply can hardly punish, I will not now consider; Ito personal estate. That was absolutely conmay do so on some proper occasion hereafter. fiscated on conviction of treason, and even beI will only now say, that if we

that if we now do just fore judgment. He quoted from Blackstone what they charged us with intending to do; if, and Chitty, and the opinion of Joel Parker, of by one sweeping act of Congress, we declare Massachusetts, in support of his position. He the immediate and unconstitutional emancipa- had studied this question anxiously, and he tion of all the slaves in all the states, to re- was convinced that Congress had no power to main forever within the states against the will confiscate the real estate beyond the life of the of the people in those states, we shall make person. It was perfectly clear that when our true every prophecy of our enemies against us, fathers put the prohibibition to confiscate real and make false the pledges we made in the can- estate in the constitution they knew what they vass of 1860, on which we won the victory, and were doing, and meant what they said. He by which alone we brought this Administration had introduced a bill, therefore, to reach the into power. This course would make us appear real estate by taxation, in which way he thought to be false and hypocritical before God and it could be done. He held that, under the con

For one, I will not consent to do it. Istitution, Congress had the right to declare say to my friends here, there is no Republican what shall be contraband of war, and subject on this floor who took part in the canvass of to capture as to our own citizens, not foreign

1860, who did not a hundred times over declare ers; but real estate was not subject to capture that we had neither the constitutional power within the meaning of the constitution such nor the purpose tô interfere with slavery with as can be made a prize of; it must refer to perin the states. How then can we now advocate sonal property." a doctrine in violation of every pledge we then gave, and on which we came into power? Shall MR. DOOLITTLE CHARGES THE UNITED STATES We now make true every charge of our enemies

WANT OF "SYMPATHY'S against us, charges which we denounced as false and infamous? Shall we make them true instead of false prophets by our actions now??/

On the 11th of July, 1862, the Confiscation

bill was still pending in the Senate. SENATOR DOOLITTLE ON CONFISCATION.

Mr. DOOLITTLE made the following remarks Senator DOOLITTLE of Wisconsin, made a in referrence to the same, and also lashed his speech on the 2d of May, 1862, on the Con- 'loyal” brethren of the Senate for their want fiscation bill:

of sympathy with the Administration, &c. [In the United States Senate, May 2d, 1862.]

"It has been sometimes objected that some Mr. Doolittle, (rep.) of Wisconsin, said of us on this floor have not gone so far on the there were never such grave considerations subject of confiscation as some other gentlepresented in any bill before Congress. The men, because, in the view we take of the Confirst section might reach thousands of millions stitution, that instrument expressly forbids the of dollars of property, and the second section ferfeiture or confiscation of the real estate of

man.

SENATE WITH A
FOR THE ADMINISTRATION.

traitors beyond their lives. It is in vain that of Congress that this rebellion can be crushed. gentlemen, by calling these traitors public en- It is to be put down at the point of the bayoemies in war, attempt to make them anything net. And if from the beginning of this seselse than traitors. Treason consists in levy- sion the only word of Congress had been 'men ing war against the United States, and those and money,' and of the Executive "forward who do so are traitors, and nothing more or march, charge bayonet, a little more grape;' less than traitors. The very point decided by and nothing else, we should be nearer the end Judge Swayne was, that rebels in arms against of the rebellion than we are at this hour. We the United States are not enemies within the have spent too much time and wasted too much meaning of the Constitution, but traitors, and energy in finding fault with each other, in criti. nothing else. Congress is forbidden to forfeit cising our generals in the field, and criticising the estate of a traitor, except during his life, and thus weakening the confidence of the counby attainder of treason, which at common law try in the Administration reached and forfeited his real estate only. I “Sir, this is the spirit I would infuse into read the authorities bearing on that question every American heart. In this day of our on a former occasion, and no gentleman on this trial, in this hour of blood, and agony, and floor has offered a single authority to the con- tears, when the hearts of this people, disaptrary. The authorities which I quoted were pointed in their expectations before Richmond conclusive. They demonstrated that at the are stricken, and the hopes of timid men becommon law the real estate of the traitor, which gin to fail, it is no time for Senators of the he held in his own right, or over which he had United States to be standing here publicly de the power of disposition, was the real estate nouncing the Administration, or denouncing the and the only real estate liable to "forfeiture, Generals in command. Now is the time for and that it was expressly to limit the forfeiture men of real courage, men of abiding faith in of that during the lifetime of the traitor that man and truth, and God, whom temporary reour fathers, in making the Constitution, insert- verses do not cast down, and dangers do not ed the words, "no attainder of treason shall appal, to speak to the country, to the Presiwork corruption of blood, or forfeiture, ex dent, and to the civilized world words of encept during the life of the person attainted." couragement and good cheer: Let them know

"As to personal property, including slaves, that in the midst of apparent disasters, in spite they are the subjects of capture in war, and of threatened intervention from abroad, we, Congress is expressly authorized to make rules the representatives of American states and of concerning captures on land and water. the American people, standing fast by the

“But the tiểle passes from the owner, not by Constitution and the Union, here and now rethe enactment of the law, but by the capture, new our pledge before high Heaven, and swear and that until the President, by his military by Him who liveth, and reigneth forever, that forces, can put down the armed forces of the we will put down this rebellion, we will sustain rebels, and get possession of their country, and this Constitution, and preserve this Union formake the captures, the law of Congress will ever. [Applause in the galleries. ] have no more effect in putting down the rebel- "The Presiding Officer--Order! lion than in putting down the rebellion in Chi- "Mr. Doolittle This is the word which I

If a law of confiscation would have such would speak, if I had the power, to the hearts marvelous results as some suppose, why not by of all American citizens, and speak it now: act of Congress canfiscate the powder and ball “Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts--Will the and muskets and cannon of the enemy, and Senator allow me to ask a question? that would end it at once. Sir, it needs some

"Mr. Doolittle-Certainly. thing more than paper shot, acts of Congress, "Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts- I want to and impassioned speeches of Congressmen. I ask the Senator from Wisconsin this simple will not, however, repeat these views, nor question: What has the Administration asked dwell upon these authorities at this time. of the American Senate that has not been

"But, sir, I feel called upon to notice a re- given cheerfully and freely by the votes of all mark made the other day by the Senator from of us, to carry on the war? Ohio. [Mr. Wade.] He denominated those of "Mr. Doolittle-I will answer the honorable us who hold to these opinions, referring to my- Senator. What the Administration has asked self and others, 'weak brethren. Weak in our of this Senate which it has not had, as it ousįht disposition to prosecute this war against the to have had, is its sympathy, its words of enrebels? Weak in our sympathies for the loyal couragement and support. Instead of that, it cause! As if we had a desire to cover up has often received speeches. denunciatory in traitors' property and cover up treason! Let their tone, on this floor, denouncing the policy me tell that Senator that the most efficient of this and the policy of that, when the Presimeans to put down the rebellion is not the en- dent's hand and heart have been aching and actment of unconstitutional laws by Congress, almost crushed under the load on these great but by marching our military forces upon the responsibilities, which God, in his providence, rebel enemy; that nothing will do it but ball has thrown upon him. I complain of that. and bayonet. Nothing can overcome war but But what is past is past; let us hear no more war! War is an appeal to the god of force, of it. I do not say that you have not voted men and we must bring force against force. It is and money. They have been voted with a laynot by speeches here, nor resolutions, nor acts ish hand; hut he wants more: he wants the

na.

hearts of the Senate to sustain him. Let our cate both the cowardice and animus of the hearts go out towards him, to fight with him, party that gave them vitality. Let them speak and fight for him

for themselves: As the foregoing sentimients were uttered ti

MAINE.-R. S., Title 8, chap. 80, page 491. by a strong defender of the Administration, it

53, provides that no Sheriff or other officer may be safe for Democrats sometimes to quote of the state shall arrest or detain any person them. We are aware that Mr. DOOLITTLE does

on claim that he is a fugitive slave. The pennot suit all his constituønts, and as a sam- alty for violating the law, is a fine not exceedple of their displeasure at the utterance of the

ing one thousand dollars or imprisonment not foregoing sentiments, we introduce the late ed

less than one year in the County Jail. itor of the Racine (Wis:) Journal, who said:

NEW HAMPSHIRE.-Laws of 1857, chapter "We can stand á great deal, but we submit that classing Senator Doolittle among the Ab- 1966, page 1876. olitionists, is altogether too cool for the seasIt should be rep ered that Mr. Doolit- | rights and privileges of a citizen.

:& 1. Admits all persons of every color to the tle is a politician, [Few now dispute it since his speeches later than the above, to be seen

& 2. Declares slaves, coming or brought into elsewhere] and is not particularly accountable the state, with the consent of the masters, for anything he says. When it is for his inter- free. est to say, as he did in Union Hall (Racine)

& 3. Declairs the attempt to hold any person that slavery, is a divine institution, established and sanctified by the Diety, and should never

as a slave within the state, a felony with a be abolished, he says it for some purpose. penalty of imprisonment not less than one nor When he votes against giving freedom to a more than five years. Provided, that the pro

?. did the government great service it for a purpose. When he votes with the act lawfully done by any officer of the United friends of the rebels, against confiscating their States or other persons in the execution of any property, as he did last summer in the Senate, legal process. he has an object in view; and, when he gets up in this Senate and endorses every abolition doc- VERMONT.-R, S., Title 27, chap. 101, p.p. trine that we have promulgated for the last

536. twenty years, he has an object in view; when he whines out his pious platitudes, and prates 3:1. Provides that no Court, Justice of the over his 'honest heart, and his 'plain spoken Peace or Magistrate shall take cognizance of manner,' then is the time he is seeking afresh any certificate, warrant or process under the some profitable office, at the hands of the peo- fugitive slave law. ple."

& 2. Provides that no oficer or citizen of the Notwithstanding this, the Abolition Legisla

state shall arrest, or aid, or assist in arresting, ture of 1863 re-elected him to the Senate.

any person for the reason that he is claimed as a fugitive slave.

? 3. Provides that no officer or citizen shall CHAPTER XXVIII.

aid or assist in the removal from the state of

any person claimed as a fugitive slave. : INDIRECT MODE TO VIOLATE AND NULLIFY LAWS.

24 and 5. Provide a penalty of $1,000, or The Personal Liberty Bills of the Various States..:Sundry imprisonment five years in the State Prison for Provisions to Nullify the Fugitive Law... A Radical Organ admits the Purpose... Schemes of the Plotters ex- violating this act. posed.

2.6. This act [%] 1 to 5] shall not be con

strued to extend to any citizen of this state DE PERSONAL LIBERTY VORTHERN MEANS TO "PRECIPITATE” REV- acting as a judge of the circuit or district WUTION.

court of the United States, or as marshal or depWhave thought it proper to record for fu- uty marshal of the district of Vermont, or to ture us the provisions of Northern statutes, any person acting under the command or aupassed to virtually abrogate the fugitive act. thority of said courts or marshal. These we have collated as briefly as possible, 7. Requires the state attorney to act as that the reader may see that the Southern se- counsel for alleged tugitives cessionists had plenty of Northern allies. The %9 and 10. Provide for issuing a habeas provisions of the Northern "personal liberty corpus and the trial by jury of all questions of bills," as these laws were styled, clearly indi- fact in issue between the parties.

BILLS-ANOTHER

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