slaves, should be retained, nevertheless, among them, and admitted as equals and as partners in political power, in defiance of the Constitution of the United States, and the laws even of the Northern States, which brand them with the badge of inferiority and political disability? He adds:

ably feel and say just what the people of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois feel and say on this subject. Illinois has just held a convention and formed a new constitution, which excludes free colored men, as did the old constitution. Indiana has a similar provision, either by constitutional requirement or by legislative enactment. Ohio had, until quite recently, a law by which a free colored "Would not the inextinguishable memory of man was required to give bail for his good bewrongs on one side, and of admitted mastery havior. Nor are the people of New England on the other, make patient acquiescence on devoid of this same feeling either. By the either side impossible? All the bloodiest rev- laws of Massachusetts intermarriages between olutions of ancient and modern times have these races are forbidden as criminal. Why been those broached by slaves against enslav- forbidden? Simply because natural instinct ers. Our civil war, closing in the manumis- revolts against it as wrong. Come down to the sion of four million of slaves, to take equal practical question whether, if the whole negro rank with six million of enslavers, would be population of the United States should be set but the prelude to a servile war of extermina-free, and be apportioned and distributed among tion. The advocates of this hybrid policy know this, but they think the negro so essential to the selfish purposes of their political ambition that, like Čalhoun, they are willing to make him, as well as those who hold him in durance, the victim of their policy."

We place these sayings on record, for the time is at hand when the Democracy can make good use of them.

SENATOR DOOLITTLE ON COLONIZATION AND
EMANCIPATION.

Mr. DOOLITTLE, on the 19th of March, 1862, in the United States Senate, delivered the following remarks. Let everybody read them:

the several states, and you would find just as much repugnance in New England as you now see exhibited in Illinois, Indiana, or Pennsylvania. Their humanity would rejoice at their freedom, but their instincts would shrink back at their apportionment.

"Sir, when we come to the thing itself, and look it squarely in the face, it is a very important question what is to be done in relation to this race of people when they are emancipated. Within this District, and within the territories, we have all power and all responsibility. Within the several states, however, it belongs to them and to their people. They have the undoubted right to regulate, as they have always regulated, their own policy upon this subject for themselves. We know how much that policy varies, in free as well as slave

In some free states they have civil

In others still, they are forbidden to come at all. The slave states have poculiar policies of their own. In none are free negroes allowed to come. Some will not allow a negro to be emancipated unless he is taken out of the state; and within the last few years some of them have passed most cruel laws to compel those already free to leave the state or be reenslaved and sold at the auction block.

"All this goes to demonstrate that Jefferson knew as much about the question as the new lights of the present day. He, who was himself the author of the declaration of the equal rights of all the races of mankind, declares to you also as a fact indisputable, that the two races upon the same soil, side by side, in anything like equal numbers, cannot and will not live together upon a footing of equality.

"I know it is sometimes said that the object-states. ion which is felt on the part of the white pop-rights alone; in others, political rights, also. ulation to living side by side on a footing of social and civil equality with the negro race is mere prejudice. Sir, it has its foundation deeper; it is in the very instincts of our nature, which are stronger and oftentimes truer than reason itself. Men of wealth and fortune, men of high wrought education, and men of rank and position, who are removed above the trials and sympathies of the great mass of laboring men, may reason and theorize about social and political equality between the white and the colored race; but I tell you as a practical fact, it is simply an impossibility. Our very instincts are against it. Let us look at the facts, and neither deceive ourselves nor deceive anybody else. How do the people of the free states stand on this question? In my state there are so few colored men that there is now no great feeling on the subject one way or the other; but suppose it should now be proposed to distribute the whole negro population equally among the states, which would bring into the state of Wisconsin about one hundred and twenty thousand, say seven thousand to Milwaukee, and from one to two thousand to each of the towns of Racine, Madison, Janesville, Kenosha, Watertown, Oshkosh, Fond du Lac, and other places, what would be the feelings then? What would our people, native and foreign-born, say to that? Sir, they would prob

"To illustrate this feeling in the slave states still further, I will state another fact not gencrally known, and I do so upon the authority of Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, in 1856, when he was Governor, there were fears of a negro insurrection in that state. Large numbers of the non-slaveholding white population called upon him as Governor for arms. what purpose? To prevent an insurrection of the slaves? This was the alleged purpose; but he ascertained the fact to be that these men were conspiring to massacre the whole negro

For

population in that section of the state, and he was compelled to call out the militia, not to prevent negroes from raising in insurrection, but to prevent the whites from destroying them altogether.

I know this bill relates only to slaves in the District Columbia, and my amendment to to colonization from this District only; but it naturally opens the whole field of discussion of the true relations of the two races towards each other. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Clay and Jackson, not only loved liberty as ardently as we do, but they understood this question of race in all its bearings. It is well known they all favored emancipation with colonization. I state a fact not generally known, that General Jackson, when President, in Cahinet council, intending to carry out this policy, proposed the purchase of some territory from Mexico, to become the homes of free colored men, to be occupied as a territory for themselves and all who should become eman

cipated. But the troubles growing out of the treason of Calhoun postponed any definite ac tion.

But the power was wrested from their hands.
Their dream is broken, and for that they make
war upon the Government they could not hold....
JOHN BROWN'S SOLUTION.

"The second is John Brown's solution. It
is based on this idea that all the negro popu--
lation of the United States shall be instantly
set free, by act of Congress, or by arms, where
they now are, side by side with their masters,
throughout all the slave states, and placed on
of mannood, civil and political of the citizens
a footing of equality, entitled to all the rights
of those states; at once trampling down the
rights of the states, and producing a system of
equality which would bring the laboring white-
man and the laboring colored man precisely
upon the same level, to compete for wages in
the same market. This, of necessity, where
their numbers bear any proportion to each
other, must lead to an irrepressible.conflict”
other, or to amalgamation of races, to produce
of race, and to the expulsion of one or the
in the Southern States the same condition that
states, and thus solve the negro question.
exists in Mexico, making them into mulatto

!

"This is the John Brown solution. The

first, through Davis and Toombs, fourteen
months ago, said, 'down with the Constitution;
give us a new Constitution, to carry slavery all
over Mexico and Central America, as fast as
we can acquire it, or we will destroy the Gov-
ernment.' The second cries, 'down with the
Constitution. It is a covenant with hell. It
gives Congress no power to abolish slavery in
will not yield to the demands of either.
the states. Make a new Constitution.' Sir, I

"But the day for action is at hand; it cannot be postponed. There must be a solution. It belongs, it is true, mainly to the people of the states. Some responsibility, however, rests upon the Federal Government. It has the undoubted power, by treaties with Hayti, Liberia, and other tropical states, to acquire rights of settlement and of citizenship for all free persons of African descent who may desire to migrate to those countries, and thus, with very little expense gain free homesteads for them and their children forever. This would open the way for the slaveholding states, if any of them desire to avail themselves of the opportunity, to emancipate and colonize their slaves, and thus open their own rich fields to be for"I have stood and will continue to stand for ever the homes of the pure Anglo-Saxon race. that solution of the negro question which Jef"There are, and there can be, in my judg-ferson, the author of the Declaration of Indement but three solutions to this negro question. One is the solution of John Calhoun, one of John Brown, and a third midway and equally removed from both extremes, the solution of Thomas Jefferson.

CALHOUN'S SOLUTION.

JEFFERSON'S SOLUTION.

pendence, himself, proposes, which, while it will in the end give universal liberty to universal man, will gradually and peacefully separate these two races for the highest good and to the joy of both; giving to each in their own place the enjoyments of their rights, civil, social, political. That solution is in accordance with that law of the Almighty by which the

"Calhoun and his followers, Toombs and black man dominates the tropics, and always Davis, say, in substance:

will; by which our race dominates the temperate zone, and will forever. It is easier to work with Him than against Him. When we accept the solution of Jefferson, which falls neither into the fanaticism of the one nor the blindness of the other, we shall see the begin

"Slayery is a blessing to mankind, black and white. Extend it everywhere; reopen the slave trade, bring all Africa into Slavery, to christianize and civilize the negro race; buy if you can, if not, seize Cuba and all central and trophical America; plant slavery all around the Gulf of Mexico and the Carribbean Sea, until the slave-ning of the end of that irrepressible conflict, holding aristocracy, proclaming 'cotton as king,' reaching through the valley of the Orinoco to the valley of the Amazon, shall shake hands with the slaveholding empire of Brazil. Then shall slavery, the great Dagon at whose shrine we worship, hold within its embrace a monopoly of the sugar and the cotton of the world.'

"This is the solution of southern fanaticism; this is the dream of southern mad ambition.It is a gigantic dream. Could they have held the Government for one or two administrations more, they would have struggled to realize it.

more of race than of condition, which has disturbed us so long. Until it be saved, there can be no permanent peace.

"Mr. President, what idea underlies the war now going on? The leaders of the rebellion were goaded to it by mad ambition. Slavery was their pretext; but the great mass of the non-slaveholding people were deluded into it. They were told, and became maddened at the thought, that the purpose of the Republican

net. And if from the beginning of this session the only word of Congress had been 'men and money,' and of the Executive forward march, charge bayonet, a little more grape,' and nothing else, we should be nearer the end of the rebellion than we are at this hour. We have spent too much time and wasted too much energy in finding fault with each other, in criticising our generals in the field, and criticising and thus weakening the confidence of the country in the Administration. MTX

traitors beyond their lives. It is in vain that of Congress that this rebellion can be crushed. gentlemen, by calling these traitors public en-It is to be put down at the point of the bayoemies in war, attempt to make them anything else than traitors. Treason consists in levying war against the United States, and those who do so are traitors, and nothing more or less than traitors. The very point decided by Judge Swayne was, that rebels in arms against the United States are not enemies within the meaning of the Constitution, but traitors, and nothing else. Congress is forbidden to forfeit the estate of a traitor, except during his life, by attainder of treason, which at common law reached and forfeited his real estate only. I read the authorities bearing on that question on a former occasion, and no gentleman on this floor has offered a single authority to the con- tears, when the hearts of this people, disaptrary. The authorities which I quoted were conclusive. They demonstrated that at the common law the real estate of the traitor, which he held in his own right, or over which he had the power of disposition, was the real estate and the only real estate liable to forfeiture, and that it was expressly to limit the forfeiture of that during the lifetime of the traitor that our fathers, in making the Constitution, inserted the words, no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted."

"As to personal property, including slaves, they are the subjects of capture in war, and Congress is expressly authorized to make rules concerning captures on land and water.

"But the title passes from the owner, not by the enactment of the law, but by the capture, and that until the President, by his military forces, can put down the armed forces of the rebels, and get possession of their country, and make the captures, the law of Congress will have no more effect in putting down the rebellion than in putting down the rebellion in China. If a law of confiscation would have such marvelous results as some suppose, why not by act of Congress canfiscate the powder and ball and muskets and cannon of the enemy, and that would end it at once. Sir, it needs something more than paper shot, acts of Congress, and impassioned speeches of Congressmen. I will not, however, repeat these views, nor dwell upon these authorities at this time.

"But, sir, I feel called upon to notice a remark made the other day by the Senator from Ohio. [Mr. Wade.] He denominated those of us who hold to these opinions, referring to myself and others, 'weak brethren.' Weak in our disposition to prosecute this war against the rebels? Weak in our sympathies for the loyal cause! As if we had a desire to cover up traitors' property and cover up treason! Let me tell that Senator that the most efficient means to put down the rebellion is not the enactment of unconstitutional laws by Congress, but by marching our military forces upon the rebel enemy; that nothing will do it but ball and bayonet. Nothing can overcome war but war! War is an appeal to the god of force, and we must bring force against force. It is not by speeches here, nor resolutions, nor acts

"Sir, this is the spirit I would intuse into every American heart. In this day of our trial, in this hour of blood, and agony, and pointed in their expectations before Richmond are stricken, and the hopes of timid men begin to fail, it is no time for Senators of the United States to be standing here publicly denouncing the Administration, or denouncing the Generals in command. Now is the time for men of real courage, men of abiding faith in man and truth, and God, whom temporary reverses do not cast down, and dangers do not appal, to speak to the country, to the President, and to the civilized world words o of encouragement and good cheer. Let them know that in the midst of apparent disasters, in spite of threatened intervention from abroad, we, the representatives of American states and of the American people, standing fast by the Constitution and the Union, here and now renew our pledge before high Heaven, and swear by Him who liveth, and reigneth forever, that we will put down this rebellion, we will sustain this Constitution, and preserve this Union forever. [Applause in the galleries.]

"The Presiding Officer-Order!

"Mr. Doolittle This is the word which I would speak, if I had the power, to the hearts of all American citizens, and speak it now.

"Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts-Will the Senator allow me to ask a question?

"Mr. Doolittle-Certainly.

"Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts-I want to ask the Senator from Wisconsin this simple question: What has the Administration asked of the American Senate that has not been given cheerfully and freely by the votes of all of us, to carry on the war?

"Mr. Doolittle-I will answer the honorable Senator. What the Administration has asked of this Senate which it has not had, as it ought to have had, is its sympathy, its words of encouragement and support. Instead of that, it has often received speeches denunciatory in their tone, on this floor, denouncing the policy of this and the policy of that, when the President's hand and heart have been aching and almost crushed under the load of these great responsibilities, which God, in his providence, has thrown upon him. I coraplain of that.— But what is past is past; let us hear no more of it. I do not say that you have not voted men and money. They have been voted with a lavish hand; but he wants more: he wants the

8.6. This act [88 1 to 5] shall not be construed to extend to any citizen of this state NORTHERN MEANS TO "PRECIPITATE" REV- acting as a judge of the circuit or district court of the United States, or as marshal or deputy marshal of the district of Vermont, or to any person acting under the command or authority of said courts or marshal.