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"More than a million of brave men have left ment. In this Congress proves its just appretheir homes, and one hundred thousand of ciation of our Federal system as conceived by them, at least, have laid down their lives to its authors. Madison, in the Federalist says: put down the conspirators and lift up the loyal

"Tho State governments may be regarded as constituent men in whose sacrifice it was designed to sac- and essential parts of the Federal government, whilst the rifice the Union. To what purpose have our latter is no wise essential to the operation or organization glorious soldiers devoted themselves? To de

To de- of the former. Without the intervention of the State stroy the rights of the true men they went to Legislatures

, the President of the United States cannot be

elected at all. They must in all cases have a just share in save, together with the rights of these states his appointment, and will, perhaps, in most cases of themconsecrated to the Union by memory of the re- selves determine it," &c. nown that belongs to our history? And on

"The consequence of this imposed as a duty what pretext is it that states which fought the

on the part of the general government to each battles of our independence-states older than

state a guarantee of a republican form of govthe Union, and which labored in its construc

ernment, which supposes a pre-existing govtion, are to be disfranchised of the rights that ernment of the form which is to be guaranteed, Union is pledged to guarantee to them under a Republican form of government as equal in the and Hamilton unite in saying the Union may

and in effecting this guarantee, both Madison Confederation?

interpose in crushing the dominant majority in "Congress is to take to itself parliamentary a state. Madison thus touches this point: powers-disfranchise certain states, declare

"At first view it might not seem to square with the Reothers to be mere territories, having no govo publican theory to suppose either that a majority have not ernment, and this because 'there are in those the right, or that a minority will have the force to subvert states no local functionaries bound by consti

a government, and consequently that the Federal interpo

sition can never be required tut when it would be improtutional oaths,' so that in fact there are no con

per. But theoretic reasoning in this as in most cases must stitutional functionaries, and since the state be qualified by the lessons of practice. Why may not ilgovernment is necessarily composed of such licit combinations for purposes of violence be formed as functionaries, there can be no state govern- by a majority of a county or district of the same state,and

well by a majority of a state, especially in a small state,as ment. And what fatal results come upon the if the authority of the state in the latter case to states from the want of local functionaries protect the local magistracy, ought not the Federal aubound by constitutional oaths. Therefore, 'no thority of the state ought in the latter case to protect the

local magistracy, ought not the Federal authority in the constitutional functionaries !? Therefore, 'no

former to support the state authority? Besides, there are state governments. And, finally, the want of certain parts of state constitutions interwoven with 'local functionaries bound by constitutional the Federal Constitution that a violent blow cannot be oaths' extinguishes the states in one-third of given to the one without communicating the wound to the

other," &c. the Union, and their destiny is sealed with

"He asks again: this pronunciamento-'the whole broad rebel region is tabula rasa, or a clean slate, where

"Is it true that force and right are necessarily on the Congress, under the constitution, may write party possess such a superiority of pecuniary means, of

same side in republican governments? May not a minor the laws.

the military talents and experience, or of secret success "It is strange that a party bases such im- from foreign powers, as will render it superior also in an mense power on such an immaterial fact that it appeal to the sword? May not a more compact and ad

vantageous position turn the scale on the same side against might be mistaken as to the existence of the a superior number so situated as to be less capable of a fact. The states involved in insurrection prompt and collected exertion of its strength? Nothing have multitudes of magistrates, state and Uni

can be more chimerical than to imagine that in a trial of

actual force victory may be calculated by the rules which ted States Judges, and other sworn function- prevail in a census of tħe inhabitants, or which determine aries, ready to resume their functions the mo

an election." ment the rebel military duress is removed, and the whole machinery of the state governments of the Union interposing by force to protect a

"Hamilton, in his paper, shows the propriety will be put in motion by the election of repre state government against internal foes, upon sentatives and all civil officers as soon as the the score that usurpers, clothed with the forms military power of the Union has accomplished of legal autority, can too often crush the op; its duties. In the meantime, are not the state position in embryo. Against this anticipated governments in the hands of their appropriate functionaries, bound by constitutional oaths, danger be points to our happy federation of when the army of the nation is in their midst? state governments for safety. He says: Then our army and its officers are at this in

“ 'Power being almost always the rival of power, the

General Government will at times stand ready to check stant executing in all the states proposed to be the usurpation of state governments, and these will have disfranchised their most appropriate functions the same disposition towards the General Government. in breaking the rebel power and lifting up and The people, by throwing themselves into either scale, will invigorating the state authority everywhere.

infallibly make it preponderate. If their rights are in

vaded by either, they can invoke the aid of the other as "In this way the most potent recognition the the instrument of redress. How wise will it be in them, Union can afford is given to the Union. Not by cherishing the Union, to preserve to themselves an adonly army and navy and President give this vantage which cannot be too highly prized." recognition, but Congress, in voting men and "And yet the abolitionists would begin the money to erect this grand retinue, pays its work of demolishing this system, by disfranhomage to the endangered States,' of whose chising one throwing out one-third of the states maimed condition the ultra abolitionists would at the very moment the Union is working out take advantage to reduce to territories and the salvation of the nation in the mode pre-strip them of the rights of republican govern- 'scribed in its charter

tion."

"The abolition manifesto protests against the loyal men and their States and republican "The instant restoration of the old state governments governments. To do this he must break the in all their parts through the agency of loyal citizens,who, power of the conspirators; crush or expel them meanwhile, must be protected in this work of restora

from the region of the insurrection, restoring

in the persons of loyal citizens within the con*And why may not the loyal citizens per- fines of their respective states the republican form this most esential and patriotic duty? governments which now have their administra

"Because,” adds the paper, “it attributes to the loyaltion committed to our loyal armies and loyal citizens of a rebel state, however few in numbers-it may citizens who have their protection. As soon be an insignificant minority—a power clearly inconsistent with the received principle of popular government, that

as this protection is needless, the state governthe majority must rule. The seven votes of old Sarum

ments resume their functions under officers were allowed to retun two members to Parliament, because this place, once a Roman fort, and afterwards a

and by such others as may be comprehended in

chosen by citizens who have been t Officers sheep walk, many generations before, at the early casting of the House of Commons, had been entitled to this rep- an amnesty, and who have given in a sincere resentation; but the argument for state rights assumes adhesion to it and the government of the Union that all these rights may be lodged in voters as fow as and the ineasures taken in its maintenance. ever controlled a rotten borough in England.

"Missouri, whose Governor, Legislature and "The argument of Madison, which I have al- Judicial officers betrayed her, expelled her ready quoted, iudicates the principle of the faithless representatives with the aid of the Constitution which sends the masses of the Federal government, and filled their places United States into a state to assert the rights with loyal men, abolishing slavery as an earof a loyal minority over an usurping majority nest of her abhorrence of the means and the there. But the sneer at the loyalty of the ends for which the conspirators against the South in the suggestion of Old Sarum is unjust. Union labored. Kentucky, temporarily paralNotwithstanding the conspiracy at work in se- yzed by the treachery of her Governor, was cret societies and in public bodies throughout soon put right by the people when furnished the United States to undermine the loyalty of with arms by the government, carried to them the South for thirty years; notwithstanding two by the lamented and gallant Nelson. In MaryNorthern Presidents joined this conspiracy- land the attempt to turn her over to the rebels the one wielding the powers of the Federal was crushed by the arrest of treasonable legisGovernment to add Kansas as a state to rein- lators. Virginia was overwhelmed for a time; force it, and the other sending the navy into but Western Virginia, being delivered from the distant seas to give it security, and the army armed brigands, called a convention, elected a into the remote West, to be surrendered, with Legislature for the whole state (the greater all the posts, forts, navy-yards, mints, muni- part of it being still held by the rebels), was tions of war, custom-houses, national edifices, recognized as the law making power of the and wealth of all sorts--thus, in effect, making whole state, as such divided the state and set the nation itself an ally of treason, notwith- up a new state in the west. standing the President of the United States “This exemplifies the President's mode of thus betrayed the states of the South into the saving the Union. He saves the States, puthands of the conspirators with the means of ting the powers of the government as soon as the nation to strengthen them in the possession they are redeemed into the hands of loyal men, of the governments they usurped; the Presi- and then the State resumes its place in the dent declaring by message to Congress, that councils of the nation with all its attributes they could not be coerced, still the traitors and rights. He has signified his purpose of could not bring a majority of the voters to the inviting Tennessee and Louisiana--now in polls in any of the states but South Carolina | preparation--to follow these examples, and to countenance the usurpation.

every other State, as soon as it can be rescued ''In Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Ken- from the rebel armies, will be aided to come tucky, Tennessee, Maryland and Virginia, a in and reintegrate the grand family of repubmajority voted against secession, in defiance lics. both of the lurking armed conspirators who “Now, what is the pretext for abandoning pervaded the whole South to control its will, this safe and healing policy of the President? and the insulting taunts of the Abolitionists, So far it has worked well, and secured the apwho now wish to disfranchise them-to 'let probation of all well-wishers of the country.them go. Does it become any party in this The abolition programme shows somewhat of country, pretending fealty to republican gov- the motive for converting states into rerritories, ernment, to sneer at a loyalty which has passed and carrying them back into colonial bondage, through such an ordeal, and which still bears to take law from Congress without representaup under the cruelty of an armed tyranny, tion. The reasons assigned: which has improved on its experience in the "Slavery,' says the programme, 'is impossible within school of slavery-treating the loyal men of the exclusive jurisdiction of the national government.' the South worse than slaves?

"For many years I have had this conviction, "I turn from the abolition programme to and have constantly maintained it. I am glad that which is presented by President Lincoln. to believe that it is impossible, if not expressed The issue is made; we must choose one or the in the Chicago platform. Mr. Chase, among other. His plan is simple. He would disha- our public men, is known to accept it sincerely. bilitate the rebels and their usurpation called Thus, slavery in the territories is unconstitua Confederacy of the States, and rehabilitate tional; but if the rebel territory falls under the

once.

For

Federal Government.

eral

exclusive jurisdiction of the national govern- "It is manifest now that the President must ment, then slavery is impossible there. In a steer his course through the strong conflicting legal and constitutional sense, it will die at tides of two revolutionary movements-that of

The air will be too pure for a slave. I the nullifiers, to destroy the Union and set up cannot doubt but that this great triumph has à Southern Confederacy, and that of the ultra been already won. The moment that the states abolitionists, which has set in to dischanfrize fell, slavery fell also, so that without any proc- the South on the pretext of making secure the lamation of the President, slavery had ceased emancipation of the slaves. The attempt of to have a legal or constitutional existence in the nullifiers is rebuked from the cannon's every rebel state.

mouth, and the proposal of France to secure "În concert with the elaborate article in the their object for her friendly mediation is put Atlantic Monthly, a department organ, the aside by the President telling the Emperor Chronicle, at Washington, strikes the key note that he will confer with the rebels through no of state annihilation, in a leading editorial: indirect medium; that Senators and Represen

“There is (says this print) a conflict of authorities-- of tatives in Congress coming from the Southern State and Federal authorities--and it is clear that one or States, and bringing with them an earnest of the other must be annihilated. If the State succeeds, the returning loyalty, will be met as equals and Federal authority is gone forever; nothing can restore it; admitted to the councils that are to dispose of not even the State itself which destroyed it; for in this case the Federal authority would become subordinate to

the destiny of the nation. the State authority, and be no government at all.

"Alterations in its laws must be made by the same reason, if the Federal authority prevails, and Congress; changes in the constitution by dele. succeeds in putting down the rebellious states, must the gations in convention from all the states, acauthority be destroyed."

cording to the terms of that instrument. This And then the case is put of the present is the final response of the President to the .conflict:

rebels and to the French Emperor. To the re" in which several states combine against their common

volutionary demand for the disfranchisement of

the southern states, the President's reply from “Here the power to be overcome is not only greater, but, his first message to the last, and all his pubin a moral point of view, far more dangerous to the Fedgovernment. Hence when such a rebellion is sub

lished letters, has been uniform. It is couchdued, it is not only necessary to destroy the treasonable ed in the words I read you from his proclamaelement in such rebellious state, but also the power which tion: these states had to combine against the Federal authority,” &c.

"Hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted

for the object of practically restoring the constitutional re"In conjunction with these movements at lation between the United States and each of the states, Washington and Boston to annihilate the state

and the people thereof, in which states that relation is or

may be suspended or disturbed." governments which preceded and helped to create that of the nation itself, the coadjutors

"The proclamation answers the demands for of Presidential echemers in 'St. Louis and the enfranchisement of the slaves. It is concethroughout Missouri are endeavoring to throw ded from the necessity of growing out of the that state into the cauldron of revolution, that rebellion, and to quels it. But it closes

with it, too, may be annihilated or declared vacat- this salve for the loyal sufferers under this de

cisive measure: ed as one or the pe suicide," "state forfeiture," "state abdica

citizens of the United States who have remained loyal tion, the "tabula rasa" or clean slate on

thereto throughout the rebellion shall, upon the restorawhich Congress may write the laws it pleases. ration of relations between the United States and the peo

"Does not the extreme anxiety evinced in ple, if that relation shall have been suspended or discertain quarters in these forces, efforts to pre- States, including the loss of slaves.”

turbed, be compensated for all losses by acts of the United vent the states dropped out of the Union by

"The issues are thus made up between the pices of the President, the patriotic army of President and the rebels and their foreign the Republic, and the loyal citizens who would, sympathizers, who would revolutionize our govthrough them maintain their own and the South, on the one hand, and on the other hand

ernment to create a separate government in the rights of the states in question indicate something of a design to command a great event in between the President and the ultra abolitionprospect by revolutionary measures. Is a ban ists, who would disfranchise the southern secupon one-third of the states, marking them tion of our country. It is not improbable that for exclusion from the Union, when treason is will be found co-operating in the end with con

the latter, though aiming at a different result, defeated and the traitors expelled, as just, as wise, as constitutional, as likely to end the spirators of the South and their foreign allies. troubles of the country, as that marked out They may prefer parting with the South to and pursued by the President?

partnership and equality under the constitution."

“The Executive will in due timo recommend that all Doolittle.

sources.

interference with it. This bill proposes to libCHAPTER XXVII.

erate 3,000,000 of slaves-truly the most tre. . CONFISCATION-VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITU- mendous strike for universal emancipation ever TION, &c.

attempted in the world. Indeed, I think it The Confiscation Scheme... The Constitution Ignore:.... is to be the effect of this upon the war? Shall

virtually liberates the whole 4,000,000. What Testimony of Senator Cowan... Political Extremes Compared...Postmaster General Blair on Secessionists and we be stronger, or shall we find that we have Abolitionists... Comments of “National Intelligencer” only doubled the number of these men in arms ...Senator Doolittle on Colonization and Emancipation... against us? They now have no cause for reThe Three “Solutions": Of Calhoun, John Brown, (the same as Radicals), and Jefferson... Doolittle on Con

bellion. Will not this furnish them one ? fiscation... Also, on Same and Abolition Denunciations of [That was precisely what the Radicals were the “ Government”... A Republican Journal on Senator driving at.] Let the loyal men of that section

who know them, answer this question. I will

abide the answer. THE CONFISCATION SCHEME.

"I submit again that no deliberative Assembly

ever before sat in judgment on so stupendous We will not offer opinions of our own on

an issue. Yes, as if to blind us still more, this subject, but will be content to favor the this bill has a proposition of still greater diffireader with a few gems from Republican culty; that is, to take these millions and trans

fer them to some tropical clime, and to to proHon. Mr. COWAN, a Republican Senator ties of freemen. I find this all provided for

tect them there with all the rights and guarfrom Pennsylvania, made a speech in the Sen- in a single section, and a single section of ate on the Confiscation bill, on the 4th of nine lines! Truly, we

Truly, we must recently have March, 1862. We give his remarks at great tical facts and set down in the romantic re

transported ourselves from the domain of praclength, not fearing to be called "traitor,” for gions of Eastern fiction Do the advocates of wę quote from one who votes the Republican the measure propose to confer upon the Presiticket:

dent the gold-making touch of Midas? Noth

ing short of the ring and lamp of Alladin, This bill proposes to go forward and strip with their attendant genii, would insure the the whole population of the South of their success of such a scheme, unless it is believed property, and reduce them to poverty and that the Treasury note [greenbacks] possesses while yet 400,000 of them have arms in their this power. And even under that supposition, hands. If there is anything calculated to make I think the owners of these Southern climes, that entire people our enemies always, it will and the transportation companies, ought to be be the promulgation of such an act as this.- consulted in regard to the legal tender clause. Will they yield to us any sooner in view of

Then, again, there is a fourth such a destruction? What would we ourselves consideration in this bill, and one of still greatdo under any such circumstances? I need er moment, which is, that it is in direct conhardly ask that question of men who have de- flict with the constitution of the United States, scended from sires who refused to pay a pal- requiring of us, if we pass it, to set aside and try tax on tea, and from grandsires who raised ignore that instrument in its most valuable and a revolution rather than pay twenty shillings fundamental provisions-those which guarantee ship money--that I think was the amount de- the life and property of the citizen, and those manded from Hampden-a revolution which which define the limits and boundaries of the cost King Charles' head. No such sweeping several Departments of this Government. measure as this has ever been enacted, even in Pass this bill, and all that is left of the constithe days of William the Conqueror. The proud tution is not worth much-certainly not worth Norman and his barons were content with the this terrible war, which we are now waging for fiefs and castles of the Saxon leaders. They it--for be it remembered that this war is waged did not dare to strip the people of their prop- solely for the preservation of the constitution. erty, nor even much increase their burdens. [Mr. Cowan must be a Republican copperhead.] They knew that, victorious as they were, I am aware that some think that the Conthey would have involved themselves in a far stitution is a restraint upon the conduct of this more dangerous struggle, in which every peas. war, which they suppose could be carried on a ant would have been a principal combattant great deal better without it. I have no hesitaThe English in their contest with, and bills of tion in saying that no greater mistake has ever attainder against, the Irish never attemptegl to been made anywhere, than is made by such touch the possessions of the common people people. I am afraid it will amount to a conbut only the property of the nobles. This fession that they have not carefully examined bill goes farther, and attempts to confiscate the full scope of its provisions. The greatest another species of property which cannot be dingen is, that these propositions, at the first put into the coffers of the conqueror. I mean i glance, seem probable, and even plausible. the property of slaves. I dont intend to stop They are not the rolling breakers which every to discuss the question of property of this one may see, but the sunken rocks, which are kind. It is enough for me to say that all the all the more dangerous, because they are hidden. South seem to agree as to the kind of property Therefore I am opposed to this bill, and I will with wonderful unanimity, and to resent any proceed to give my reasons, and show, if I can,

any way."

:

why I think that in its main provisions, it is persons placed back-to-back at the North Pole, unnecessary, impolitic, inexpedient,and, I may and walking in apparently opposite directions, add, utterly and totally useless, and I think I can show that the Government has all the pow- yet both are going due South. But, we will er under the Constitution which is necessary let Post Master General BLAIR give his views, to put down this rebellion, and punish the reb- which link these two factions with the Southels, and that there is not, in reality, any necessity for straining any of its provisions in

ern secession extreme, forming a most baneful trinity.

In Mr. BLAIR's speech at Concord, New Mr. Cowan then goes into a lengthy disqui

Hampshire, he said: sition, both able and conclusive, to show that the confiscation bill was a clear violation of the

"There are two knots of conspiring poliConstitution, and that it would weaken, instead ticians at opposite ends of the Union that make

slavery a fulcrum on which they would-play of strengthen our cause. We regret that our see-saw with the Government, and willingly space will not admit the whole of this able, break it in the middle and demolish it to make conservative speech, but we have given enough experiments with the factions in reconstructo show the drift of the honorable Senator's known as hostile to the well-balanced Consti

tions suited to their designs, which are only argument.

tutions inherited by our fathers. The Calhoun We know that with a certain class of radical and Wendell Phillips Juntos have both sought disunionists it is useless to talk about the Con- the accomplishment of their adverse ends by a

common means—the overthrow of the Constistitution. One might as well attempt to whistle tution. Calhoun's school would destroy every down a whirlwind, , The radicals are mad. free principle, because repugnant to the perFlushed with power and gorged with spoils, petuity and propagation of slavery universally

as the only safe foundation of good governthey are determined to break up the Union. It

ment-Phillips's school would subject all our is;tin fact, broken up, and never can be re-systems of goverment to the guillotine of revstored, except by and through the conservative olutionary tribunals, because they recognise element of the country. If they continue in the existence of different races among us, of

white, red, and black; because they repudiate power, all such conservative Republicans as

the idea of equality and fraternity in regard to Senator Cowan must be jostled aside, to make citizenship that tends to produce that amalgaroom for some "first rate second rate?' dema- mation, personal and political, which would gogue. Alas, our Constitution is no more. Its make our Government one of mongrel races;

and because they authorize legislation, state demise has been predicted and pronounced and national, which may exclude them from by the ablest men that belong to the reigning | taking root in the soil and government of the traitorous dynasty.

country. The white man has excluded the InJian race from dominion on this continent, its native-born original inheritor; the African was

introduced on it, not as its owner or to give it Metaphors are sometimes very useful in il- law, but to be owned and receive law; and unlustrating ideas, causes and effects. The Re- der this aspect the white man, as a conqueror, publican politician sometimes feels insulted if has accommodated the constitutions of the you call him an Abolitionist, though that reti- country to his own condition--that of the ru

ling race. The ground which Wendell Philcence is now wearing off, since leading Re- lips and his followers take is not merely to publicans (Gov. Stone, of Iowa, for e.g.) ad alter the law and enfranchise the races held mit this is “an Abolition war." But, as the under it as inferior to that holding the dominRepublicans and Abolitionists have acted to-constitutions which recognise that right as es

ion by right of conquest, but to abolish the gether and voted together since 1854, and all tablished, and admit to equal participation now pursue the policy and dogmas that distin- those races hitherto excluded as inferiors. guished the Abolisionists years ago, we feel After remarking, says the National Intellijustified in using the metaphor of Col. BEN-gencer, that the Free States of the North exTON, who said that the Abolitionists and Re- clude the manumitted slaves from their soil, publicans were like a pair of shears, working avowing the abhorrent feeling of caste as an on a common fulcrum, to cut the Union in insuperable bar to the association on any terms, twain. Doesticks, or some other humorous much less of equality, Mr. Blair asks how it writer, says there is no more difference between can be expected that the people of the Southa Republican and an Abolitionist than there is ern States will acquiesce in arrangements between two links of sausages, made from the which proceed on the assumption that this exsame dog! They may also be likened to two communicated race, surrendered by them as

POLITICAL EXTREMES COMPARED.

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