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inates all the country and all the people within they cannot use it, end even destroy their own its range. Any offers, if made by any man or to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligermen within that range, in opposition to that, ants do all in their power to help themselves or ar simply nothing, for the present, because hurt the enemy, except in a few things regardsuch man or men haye no power whatever to ed as barbarous and cruel. Among the excepenforce their side of a compromise, if one be 1 tions are the massacre of vanquished foes and made with them.
non-combatants, male and female. But the "To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the proclamation as a law is valid or not valid. If South and peace men from the North should it is not valid, it wants no retraction. If it is meet in convention and frame a proclamation valid it cannot be retracted any more than the or compromise embracing a restoration of the dead can be brought to life. Union, in what way can that compromise be “Some of you profess to think that retraction used to keep Gen. Lee's army out of Pennsyl. would operate favorably to the Union. Why vania? Gen. Meade's army can keep Gen. | better after the retraction than before the isLee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think sue? There was more than a year and a half ultimately drive it out of existence. But no of trial to suppress the rebellion before the paper compromise, to which the controllers of proclamation was issued, the last one hundred Lee's army are not agreed, can at all effect days of which passed under an explicit notice that army
In an effort at such a compromise that it was coming unless averted by those in we would waste time that the enemy would im- revolt returning to their allegiance. prove to our disadvantage, and that would be "The war has certainly progressed as favoráll. A compromise to be effective must be ably to us since the issue of the proclamation made either with those who control the rebel as before. I know, as fully as one can know army, or with the people liberated from the do- the opinions of others, that some of the comminion of that army by the success of our manders of our armies in the field, who have army
given us our most important victories, believe “Now, allow me to assure you that no word the emancipation policy and the aid of colored or intimation from the rebel army, or from any troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt of the men controlling it, in relation to any to the rebellion, and that at least one of those peace compromise, has ever come to my knowl successes could not have been achieved where edge or belief. All charges or intimations to it was, but for the aid of black soldiers. the contrary are deceptive and groundless, and [We'd like to see the proof of this.] I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and
"Among the commanders holding these views kept secret from you.
are some who have never had any affinity with
what is called abolitionism, or the Republican [This is certainly apochryphal. See the party politics, but who hold them purely as Wood-Lincoln correspondence]
military opinions. I submit their opinions, as
being entitled to some weight against the ob"I freely acknowledge myself to be the ser-jections often urged that emancipation and vant of the people aecording to the bond of the arming blacks are unwise as military meas service, the United States Constitution, and ures, and were not adopted as such in good as such I am responsible to them. But, to be faith. plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the "You say that you will not fight to free nenegro.
Quite likely. There is a difference, groes; some of them seem willing enough to between you and myself upon the subject. I fight for you, but no matter. Fight you then certainly wish all men could be free, while exclusively to save the Union. I issued the you, I suppose, do not, : Yet I have neither proclamation and propose to aid you in saving adopted or proposed any measure which is not the Union. Whenever you have conquered all consistent with even your view, provided you resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to are for the Union.
continue tighting, it will be an apt time then "I suggested a compensated emancipation, for you to declare that you shall not fight to to which you replied that you wished not to be free negroes. I thought that in your struggle taxed to buy negroes, but I had not asked you for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes to be taxed to buy negroes except in such a should cease helping the enemy in his resistway as to save you from greater taxation, in ance to you. You think differently. order to save the Union exclusively by other "I thought that whatever negroes can be got
You dislike the emancipation and per- to do as soldiers, leaves so much less for white haps would have it retrácted. You say it is soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it un constitutional. I think differently. I think appear otherwise to you?' But negroes, like the Constitution vests its Commander-in-Chief other people, act upon motive. Why should with the law of war in time of war. The most they do anything for us if we will do nothing that can be said, if so much, is that slaves are for them? If they stake their lives for us they property. Has there ever been any question, must be prompted by the strongest motive, that by the laws of war, property, both of ene- even the promise of freedom, and the promise mies and friends, may be taken when needed? | being made must be kept. and is it not needed whenever the taking of it "The signs look better. The Father of Wahelps us or hurts the enemy? Armies, the ters goes unrexed to the sea, thanks to the world over, destroy the enemy's property when Great Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly to
them. Three hundred miles up they met New military power-not that he has or can do any
and expense of his equipment and military lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the his- training. No, the negro as a soldier has tory was jotted down in black and white.- made ño record in this war, notwithstanding The job was a great one, and let none be bar
we are told the nation has expended millions red who bore an honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared the great river, for arming, equipping, feeding and clothing may well be proud, yet, even that is not all. some 200,000 negro troops, be the same more It is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and better done than at Antietam; of Sambo, amid the din of battle, save at Mil
or less, and we do not remember to have heard Murfreesboro, Gettysburg and on many fields of less note.
liken's Bend, where a black regiment was "Nor must Uncle Sam's webbed foet be for- forced to the front by a wall of bayonets, in gotten. At all the water's margins they have white hands, behind them. True, we håve been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid river, but also up the heard in the radical papers of wonderful prodnarrow mud bayou, and wherever the ground igies performed by the sable sons of Mars, and was a little damp they had been and made their
some officials have even gone so far as to extol tracks.
“Thanks to all; for the great Republic; for their merits above that of the white soldiers, the principles by which it lives and keeps alive; but in all this, they have failed to furnish us for man's vast fortune-thanks to all! Peace with the history of facts and circumstances. does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it
But, do you ask how the negro as a soldier, will come soon, and come to stay, and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. is to be used to favor political objects? Let us It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no successful appeal from the
The Proclamation did not assume to liberate ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are to lose their case and pay the cost. slaves everywhere.
slaves everywhere. Certain districts were exAnd then there will be some black men who cluded. Slavery was still unmolested in the can remember that with silent tongue, and loyal Border States. The radicals insisted on with clenched teeth, and with steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind
some coup de main to abolish slavery in the to this great consummation; while I fear that border States. How could this be done? Why there will be some white men, unable to forget by the black soldier system. How by that? that with malignant heart, and deceitful speech | Let us see. The moment the black soldier they have striven to hinder it.
Still let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy system had been established, thousands of enand final triumph. Let us be quite sober, and listing agents took up their positions in the let us diligently apply our means, never doubt-border States, where they went to enlisting the ing that a just God, in His own good time will slaves of loyal masters. They created alarm give us the rightful result. Yours very truly,
and brought out protests from the Governors of [Signed.]
Maryland and Kentucky; but all to no purpose. The enlistments went on, and the gén
eral promise was thrown out, as a tub to 'the We have given above the whole of Mr. LIN- whale, that the slaves thus taken should be paid COLN's epistle to the Utica-Springfield meet- for. But this did not satisfy the loyal slaveings—not that it was necessary for our pur- holder. He saw in the movement an undispose, but that his friends may not say we have guised effort and determination to abolish done him injustice by partial extracts. He is slavery in all the localities excepted by the here on record as wedded to the policy which Proclamation, by indirection, a kind of whipthe radicals forced him into.
the devil-round-the-stump game. The object of this policy lies deeper than a The radicals saw that if they could, under desire to render aid to white soldiers. This the protecting ægis of the military power ?? might have been done by employing the ne-seize all the able-bodied slaves in the border groes as servants and helpers, in camps and States as soldiers, the people from necessity ditches. In fact, this is the only way that would give up the balance, and thus the negro negroes might be servicable, to which no one soldier business would have answered its end. has objected. But Sambo' must be used as a But as for negroes fighting or being of actual political machine, and hence he must wear the use in military operations, the evidence is enblue uniform, and become subservient to the l tirely wanting. If this theory does not solve
THE NEGRO SOLDIER POLICY.
the negro soldier schume, then it must remain against women and children of Southern fam
ilies. unsolved till the end of time, for from past
"For the negro the Northerners care nothhistory, we have no data to solve it on the black
ing, except as a possible weapon in their fighting hypothesis.
hands, by which the more safely and effectually The following from the New York Tribune, of to wreak a cruel and cowardly vengeance on December, 1863, is unequivocal, and pledges the South. Inferior in every respect to the the President to abolish slavery in all places, to rebellion, outdue them in acts of carnage,
Sepoys, the negro race would, if once excited without a why or wherefore:
as they would fall below them in military “Slavery, the wicked, wanton fomenter of courage. They may be useful as assassins and this horrible strife, must die, or the peace will incendiaries; as soldiers against the dominant be but a hollow, delusive truce, to be soon fol- race, they would be utterly worthless. Fortulowed by another desolating war.
nately, there is no probability that the North Such is our President's programme, and we
will be able to kindle any general or extensive indorse every word of it."
negro insurrection. On the lines of the Mississippi there might be occasional outbreaks and numerous desertion 3; a good many planta
tions might be fired, and a number of fugitives As carrying out this view, Senator John P. might be added to the Federal army. But neither HALE introduced the following in the Senate, servile race would be thereby altered. The war
the issues of the struggle, nor the fate of the December 14, '63:
would only be made more ferocious, and the "Be it enacted, &c., That hereafter all per condition of the slaves more miserable. eons within the United States of America are These new Abolitionists do not conceal their equal before the law; and all claims to person motives; they have not the decency to prétend al service, except those founded on contract conviction; they seek, avowedly, nothing but and the claim of a parent to the service of a
an instrument of vengeance on their enemy, minor child, and service rendered in pursuance and an instrument so dastardly, involving the of sentence for the punishment of crime, be commission of outrages so horrible, that even a and the same are hereby forever abolished, government which employs a Mitchell and a anything in the constitution or laws of any Butler, must shrink from such a load of inState to the contrary notwithstanding."
A BILL TO ABOLISH THE CONSTITUTION.
THE PROCLAMATION IN ENGLAND.
OPINIONS OF THE ABOLITIONISTS OF ENGLAND.
One of the main arguments in favor of the
The London correspondent of the New York Proclamation, by the radicals, was, that it Times (Radical) wrote as follows to that pawould bring the English people to our aid; but
per, in 1862: the following, from the London Herald, does not wear so favorable an aspect. That paper sympathy--the everlasting negro. We have
6.We have still another object of British says:
the most doleful pictures of his'unhappy situa"Another symptom of increasing ferocity- tion, deprived of his Southern home and its a new source of frightful crime, on the one
comforts, and turned out to freeze and starve. side, and provocation to horrible vengeance on
Rejected from some of the Free States, and the other, (just what we have seen as the father scorned in all, what is the poor negro to do? of all the dificulties in reference to exchange. It is a fact that the leading Abolitionists in of prisoners, whereby thousands of our brave England are reproaching the Nat onal Govmen have been forced to starve and rot in calamity of sudden and unprovided freedom.
ernment for bringing upon the negroes the Southerp prisons, all on account of the negre It is costing millions-tasking the resources of punctilio red-tape-ism of our Government,] is disclosed in the demand made in New York
a great nation-to feed the idle operatives in
Lancashire for the Abolitionist Proclamation. So far as its
How then, they say, can you pronominal purport goes, this would be as futile vide for four millions of slaves, who become as Mr. Lincoln's other edicts. Before he can
free by the Proclamation of President Lincoln emancipate the Southern negroes, he must
on the 1st of January? The great mass of the conquer the South [just what he himself said abolitionists in England would ra her trust the to the Chicago divines). But the demand is negroes to their masters, than have them run not made with a view to the real liberation of the chances-or rather, meet, what they conthe slaves. It is meant to diminish the rebel sider, the certain miseries of 'a forced and im
mediate emancipation. army, by calling away many officers and men
The abolition policy to the defense of their homes. [This failed of the Government has utterly failed, so far as entirely.] The object is not negro emancipa- I have been able to learn, of finding any symtion, but servile insurrection [this was argued pathy on this side of the Atlantic, by the New York T ibune]-not the manumission of slaves, but the subornation of atroci
. . ties, such as those at Cawnpore and Meireut Mr. WILBERFORCE, son of the late and fam
WENDELL PHILLIPS ON THE RAMPAGE.
ous Emancipationist, lately wrote a letter to To-day the helm is in our hands, and you and the London Times, in which he says:
I, if faithful, can say this to the nation, and
the future: You may compromise when and "Allow me then to say, that if my father's where you please, with one exception, and life had been prolonged, I am certain on the that is, that the tap root of slavery shall be one hand that his abhorance of slavery, and cut. [Applause.]'. Let thirty Senators and zeal for emancipation would not have lessened, Representatives enter Congress under the and equally certain on the other hand, that he proclamation, and what will be their first atwould have considered it a grievous crime to tempt? It will be, gentlemen, fund our debt. stir up insurrection and civil war; doubly so Your Representatives will want a tariff to pay if it were done, not from mistaken benevol- Mr. Chase's interest. The reply of the South ence, but from selfish political purposes. This, will be, “Granted, provided that you tack on to as Mr. Bexton truly says, is the only meaning it, by way of rider, a tariff that will pay our inof Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, if it has any terest too; only upon that condition shall you meaning at all."
have a policy that is not tantamount to repudiation." Do you say that is not possible? Let me
The builders of private ships in England
have some $100,000,000 of this scrip. Suppose WENDELL PHILLIPS made a speech at the they come to the doors of your reconstructed Cooper Institute, December 22, 1863. We se- Congress and say, "This paper is not worth
five cents on the dollar, but we will give you lect the cream of said speech:
$20,000,000 of it if you will make the other " What Grant has not done he will $80,000,000 worth par.” Did you ever know do. Not now. Every ounce of food his men a Congress that could not be bought for $20,eat is brought to thein fifteen miles over the 000,000? Do you ever hope to see one? The hills, and that arm of the service needs rest as first item of compromise, then, will be three well as the others. He may not be heard from or four thousand million dollars debt. I do for sixty or ninety days. But be assured of not object to that particularly myself. It is this-he won't sit down and dig. [Long con- the atonement which God demands of this natinued applause.] When he does move, it will tion for twenty years of sin. No sin is washbe to see the South retreat to the real Gulf ed out in words. You cannot cheat the devil States-Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi. They of his due. Our fathers sinned against that have no means of bringing food to this army, victim race; and God mortgages the hand of and the army must go to the food. But when every living man, and every child that is to be they have reached it, when five or six millions born for the next half century, to atone for of men make up their minds that the forlorn the nation's iniquity. There will be other comspot is reached, then be sure the war is not yet promises. One is the first element of Mr. ended. The South is a brave people. Four Lincoln's project of reconstruction, which is years ago I said to you under this roof, “The this: He puts his own act and all the acts of South is no coward, and you laughed at me. Congress at the feet of the Supreme Court, You know now, that however deluded, the and says the South is to
South is to swear to supSouth does believe a lie, and, is willing to fight port the various acts of the government so for it. The last forlorn refuge for such a peo- far as the Supreme Court holds them to ple is a bloody fight. The war does not touch be valid. I do not say that he could its end, and yet its end is certain, and we may say anything else. I am only telling now read it in the light of our power and our you what he does say. What does his proclaown perseverance. The Union is to be recon- mation of January 1st, 1863, mean? Some structed with a cement that laughs all interfer- m?mbers of the Cabinet say it means that any ence to scorn. Daniel Webster said the ce- negro that can get hold of it is free. Mr. ment of the Union was the fugitive Slave bill. Chase says that every negro down to the Gulf Sin never cemented anything. The cement of that ever sees the flag is free. I asked the this Union is to be the mutual respect of the shrewdest member of the House of Representsections, bred of that blood which has mingled atives what he would give for the proclamation on bravely contested fields. The South thought before the Supreme Court; Little or nothof the Yankees as one who knew only how to ing,?? he said. A prominent New England cheat-she met him at Chattanooga and chang- Senator said to me the greatest danger to the ed her mind The North thought of the South proclamation was from the Supreme Court. as only gasconade-she has struggled with her Leading Republicans in my State say there is for four years, and learned to respect her sincer- no law in it, that it is not worth the paper on ity if not her intelligence. Out of that mutual which it is written. Mr. Lincoln says, as he respect is to grow a Union as indestructible and ought to say, nothing. He cannot say anything. as indivisable as the granite that holds up the The meaning of that proclamation nobody continent. The question is here at the North, knows until the Supreme Court has decided it. how far we will go. All civil wars are ended by In other words, the proclamation of January 1, compromise. There never was a civil war in 1863, is to be filtered through the secession history in which one party gained a clear vic- heart of a man in Baltimore, but his soul, tory. The only question is, what shall we if he has got one, is in Richmond. [Laughcompromise on? Once launched on the stormy, ter.] It is
ordeal of a turbid waters of politics, you cannot tell.~ 'Bench of Judges who made the D ed
Scott decision, and announced that a negro | foundation for the articles just quoted from the has no rights that a white man is bound to re- London Herald. The Tribune says: spect. It is to pass the ordeal of a set of Judges the majority of whom came out of the wicked- “The rebels, not with the phantom, but ness of Polk, Pierce, and Buchanan; and of with the reality of servile insurrection, by the the only two who refused to sanction the Dred sudden appearance in arms, in the region seScott decision, one is in his grave, and the lected, of a body of no less than 5000 negroes, other has resigned. God help the negro if he properly led by whites, and supported by reguhangs on Roger B. Tapey for his liberty.-- lar troops, communication has been opened and [Sensation.] I am not here to speak of the kept up for some time by trustworthy contraportentous power of the Supreme Court. You bands with the bondsman cf the chosen field of know what it is, the Gibraltar of our spstem, operations, and they know when the liberating the point where our democratic machine touch-hosts will appear, and are ready to raise in es nearest to despotism. Taking our system of thousands, and swell it to a wave so mighty that bowing to precedents, it is a system in which it will sweep, both rebellion and slavery out of the opinion of the present day is checkmated' existence, wherever it mày roll.” by the prejudices of men who were appointed fifty years ago, and who are pledged to respect TIE PROCLAMATION CONFESSED A FAILURE. the prejudices of men who have been in their
The Springgeld (Mass.) Republican, a warm graves a hundred years. That is the meaning of the Supreme Court of the United States. / administration paper, frees its mind after the That is the only hope that Mr. Lincoln's pro- following fashion, in reference to the utter ject holds out to you of the validity of the act failure of the proclamation, March, 1863: of Congress and of his proclamations of September and January last. As Commander- "A great many expectations have been disin-Chief and author of these two instruments. appointed, and a great many confident predicI am not finding fault with Mr. Lincoln. Sup- tions have failed of realization in the progress
Your chimney of this war. In nothing has the disappointsmokes; but your lease is out in thirty days. ment been greater than in the results expected You throw up the window to make å draft. from the emancipation war policy, by those But the landlord remodels the chimney. Mr. most clamorous for it. They were very cerLincoln is a tenant at will, and goes out short- tain that the proclamation would give tha Union ly. His proclamation is throwing up the win- cause a quick and sweeping triumph, and the dow to make a draft. As the landlord, let the President was fiercely denounced by politicians nation say we want him to remodel the chim- and persons of his own party, for allowing the ney, We want a platform which the Supreme 'sacrifice of Northern men to go on when with Court cannot touch. [Applause.] As the a stroke of bis pen he could remove the 'cause? quid pro quo for this war, I want something of of rebellion, and make it impotant for mischief. which I know the value to-day without consult- It was said that as soon as liberty should be ing Judge Wayne, Judge Grier, Judge Taney, proclaimed to the negroes, we should see the Judge Clifford, or Judge Catron, secessionists Southern soldiers scattering to their homes to from the top of their heads to the soles of their feet. [Hisses.] If you don't think 80, go and ally revolting and hastening to enlist under the examine them; that's all. [Hisses and ap- standard of the Union, and so the necessity plause.] If they have reformed and repented, for further fighting on our part was to be reI shall be glad to know it. I judge them by moved. The predictions were made and rethe record-by their decisions. The New York peated with so much confidence, that before the Times asks me to-day whether I would President issued his proclamation, many of his not trust the negro where all white own party had come to consider him guilty, have been trusted for the last seventy years. If | almost to the extent of treason, in delaying to I had no protection but the bond of the Supreme speak the word which was to act like magic in Court, I should have been in jail seven years the salvation of the Union. The style of menago; and as for the negro, that court has an:
ace in which the President was addressed on nounced that he has no rights white men are the subject is fresh in public recollection, albound to respect. What I ask of Mr. Lincoln though some who used it would now be glad to in his behalf is, an amendment of the constitu- have it forgotten. tion, which his advice to congress would pass 6.Well, it is more than five months since the in 60 days, that hereafter there shall be neither President announced his intention to proclaim slavery nor involuntary servitude in any State emancipation, and two months since the procof this Union. [Prolonged applause.] Mr. lamation was formally made, and the negroes Seward wants the Mississippi chairs--the Sen- still remain quietly on the Southern plantaate chamber filled. So do I. He is for having tions. The rebel armies have not dispersed to them filled as they are. I am for making them hunt flying negroes, but are larger and strongso hot that a slaveholder cannot sit in them." er than ever before. The market price of ne
groes is at its highest-the negroes within our
lines show no passionate eagerness to fight, and In this connection, a word from the New forcible conscription to fill up his negro regi
even Gen. Hunter has been obliged to resort to York Tribune, may not be out of place, as a I ments, and that too, where the expedient of
THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE ON SERVILE INSUR