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"SELMA, NEAR WINCHESTER, (Va.,) Sept. 30, 1856. My dear Sir-I have a letter from Wise of the 27th, full of spirit. He says the Governors of North Carolina, South Carolina and Louisiana, have already agreed to the rendezvous at Raleigh, and others will-this in your most private ear. He says further, that he had officially requested you to change with Virginia, on fair terms of difference, percussion for flint muskets. I don't know the usuage or power of the Department in such cases, but, if it can be done, even by liberal construction, I hope you will accede.

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"Was there not an appropriation at the last session for converting flint into percussion arms? If so, would it not furnish good reasons for extending such facilities to the States?Virginia probably has more arms than the Southern States, and would divide in case of need. In a letter, yesterday, to a Committee in South Carolina, I gave it as my judgment, in the event of Freemont's election, that the South should not pause, but proceed at once to "immediate, absolute, and eternal separation." So I am a candidate for the first hal ter. Wise says his accounts from Philadelphia are cheering for Old Buck in PennsylvaVale nia. I hope they may not be delusive. et salaete.

Colonel DAVIS.

J. M. MASON. "MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858. "DEAR SIR: Your kind favor of the 15th is received. I hardly agree with you that a general movement can be made that will clear out the Augean stable. If the Democracy were overthrown it would result in giving place to a greater and hungrier swarm of flies..

"The remedy of the south is not in such a process. It is a diligent organization of her true men for prompt resistance to the next. aggression. It must come in the nature of things. No national party can save us; no sectional party can ever do it. But if we can do as our fathers did-organize Committees of Safety' all over the cotton States (and it is only in them that we can hope for any effective move

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ment)-we shall fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind, give courage to each other, and, at the proper moment, by one organized concerted action, we can precipitate the cotton States into revolution.

"The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by Mr. Ruffin; has been taken up and recommedded in the Advertiser, (the Montgomery organ of Mr. Yancey,) under the name of 'League of the Southerners,' who, keeping up their old party relations on all other questions, will hold the Southern issue paramount, and will iufluence parties, Legislatures, and Statesmen. I have no time to enlarge, but to suggest merely.

"In haste- yours, &c. "TO JAMES S. SLAUGHTER, Esq."

W. L. YANCEY.

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Early in the war, Congress, the authoritative mouth piece of the nation, passed, with only two dissenting votes, the Crittenden Resolution, which pledged the country as to the objects and purposes of the war on the part of the North. The resolution reads as follows:

"Resolved, by the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against the constitutional government, and in arms around the Capitol; that in this National emergency, Congress, banishing all feeling of passion or resentment, will recollect its duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged on their part, in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purposes of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those states, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States, unimpaired, and that as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought

to cease.'

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The radicals knew the issuing of the proclamation would divide the North and unite the South, and hence they clamored for it as the means to accomplish dissolution. They pretended to urge that measure as a "military necessity," and affected to believe that it would soon end the rebellion, yet when read by the

This was the pledge given by the Republican | could be accomplished, and not directly make Congress. It was all the Democrats asked. them chargeable for the result? Under that pledge they did not stop to enquire who elected Mr. LINCOLN, or what were his political views. It was enough for them to know that their country was imperiled, and that they were required to fight in its defence -not merely to shed their blood that the White House might remain unmolested, that a certain man might occupy it for four years-light of subsequent events, the reader cannot not merely to protect any given measure rel- fail to see the treasonable motivo. ative to land or territory, but to preserve and defend the institutions of our country-the "supremacy of the constitution."

THE PROCLAMATION-EMANCIPATION.

THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE ON THE PROCLAMATION.

As a specimen of the great things claimed for the proclamation, we give the following

seven reasons:

But, no sooner had Congress voluntarily of[From the N. Y. Tribune, Aug. 13, 1862.J fered this pledge to the country, and the armies "1st. The hearty good will of three millions of the Union having been voluntarily filled of people now doing the necessary work of the and to spare-on the strength of that pledge-rebellion. Ignorant, degraded, imbruited, as than the radicals raised a hue and cry for a proclamation abolishing slavery, and thus to violate the congressional pledge not to "interfere with the established institutions" of the South.

The radicals claimed the issuance of this proclamation as a "military necessity." They offered no fact or arguments to show that it would do any good, so far as aiding our armies to quell the rebellion-they only asserted, withont proof, that such would be its result. But, THE GREAT SECRET OF THE PROCLAMATION was to break down the unanimity at the North. So powerful and universal was the sentiment for the war to preserve the Government, that it was likely to soon overthrow the Southern rebels. This would not do. The war must not end too soon. Why? Because slavery and the Union might still exist. Hence, the proclamation was wanted-not to crush the South-but to divide the North-unite the South, and make union impossible!

"Thank God," says PHILLIPS, "for Bull

Run." How often have we heard similar expressions from the leaders of that party of similar import, and does this not all prove the very-essance of our charge, that the radicals gloried in reverses to our armies, as the best means to finally accomplish their diabolical purpose of dissolving the Union? Does it not show that DOUGLAS in his last speech in the Senate was correct, when he charged that the Republicans desired dissolution, provided it

many of them are, these three millions of Southerners uniformly, intensely desire to be free. Assure them that they will be free from the moment they escape from their masters to us, and they will begin at once to watch their opportunities for absconding. Even though but few should at first succeed in escaping, many will attempt it, and the rebel masters of all will be rendered suspicious and uneasy.Thousands will be diverted from shooting Union soldiers, to watching suspected slaves-to the great adveantage of the Union cause.

"2d. Negroes by the thousands can at once team for the Union cause, and to fight for it be enlisted to scout, spy, cook, dig, chop and also, if we choose. They will ask no bounty. They will not flee to Canada to escape a draft; they will wait for their pay, so that they be fed and armed and set to work for the liberation of their brethren. One hundred thousand of them can at once be usefully employed in the Union armies, even though they do not fight. with arms and equipments for twenty or thirty And we cannot doubt, that ten black regiments, more would excite more alarm among the rebels of any cotton or sugar growing section than twice as many white ones.

"3d. The liberal sentiment of Christendom would be fixed and intensified on the side of

the Union by such a decree. At present, any champion of the rebel cause, who rises to speak in Parliament or elsewhere, begins by solemnly asservating that slavery has nothing to do with the contest-that the North is fighting for slavery as well as the South, and quoting our dispatches, resolves and speeches to sustain that position. A decree of emancipation would effectually squelch that falsehood. And the approbation of the good is a genuine power. No foreign country but Dahomey would venture made clear that it was fighing for slavery, to side with the Davis Confederacy, if it were while we were fighting against it. Now, moral,

duced such alarm in the minds of Jeff Davis' soldiers that they would hava fled homeward to save their families," &c.

The Waukesha (Wis:) Freeman, just previ

if not physical intervention to our prejudice, is a serious, and by no means a remote, danger. "4th. Hundreds of thousands of true patriots would sacrifice property, ease, luxury, safety itself, for the Union cause, with a freedom and joy yet unknown, if they could real-ous to the issuing of the Proclamation, said: ize that in so doing they were certainly aiding to rid their beloved country evermore of the curse and blight of slavery.

"5th. Thousands of dangerous and noble spirits would flock from every christian land

"But let the slaves be confiscated or freed, and the rebellion will be killed stone dead in a fortnight."

The Boston Liberator thus issued its threatto fight for liberty and Union, who feel but aening fiat to force the issuance of the Proclalanguid interest in a struggle for the Union alone.

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6th. Scores of army officers whose hearts are with the rebels, have threatened to resign if (in their phraseology) this "is made an abolition war.?? Some would do it, and this would be an immense gain to our cause. Had Gen. Patterson done this a week before Bull Run, the rebellion would have been long since extinguished. The disaster at Ball's Bluff would have been averted by the resignation of a few officers of this sort.

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7th. Finally, having identified the Union cause irrevocably with that of humanity, (?) justice and universal freedom, we might reverently look for the blessing of God to crown our efforts with success-and would hardly look in vain."

[From the New York Tribune, Aug. 22, 1862.] "Let it be proclaimed to-morrow from the White House, and re-echoed from every Union camp, that every slave fleeing to us from the rebels is thenceforth a freeman, and the knell of treason will have been sounded.

"Let every fugitive who comes to us from Jeffdom, be welcomed as a freeman, and the war cannot last till Christmas."

[From the New York Tribune, Sept. 6, 1862.]

"With such a policy the traitors must be called, in good part, from their armies, to defend and secure their own firesides. With such a policy [the proclamation] our troops will never lack information, but will be abundantly provided with guides, scouts and spies. With such a policy, in good faith adopted, and thoroughly carried out, we believe that sixty days would amply suffice to break the back-bone of the slave-holder's rebellion."

[From the New York Tribune, Sept. 24, 1862-after the

Proclamation.]

"By a single blow he [the President] has palsied the right arm of the rebellion. Slavery is the root of the rebellion: he digs it up by the roots. The Proclamation of Emancipation will bring out the full strength, and the Union as it should be, will date from the day of its

consummation."

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[From the Janesville (Wis.) Gazette, summer of 1862.] "Can he (the President) not see, as we see, that a Proclamation of Emancipation, made last spring, and an invitation to the slaves to come to our armies, would so have unsettled the social fabric of the South, as to have prevented the cultivation of their crops for food, and pro

mation:

"The men who are sending out, within a single year, more than a million and a quarter of their fellows to dare the dangers of the battlefield, and who have not winced under the prospective taxation which must follow the expenditure of a thousand millions of money, all for the maintenance of the institutions which our fathers established, though they may not now betray the anger and loathing which the new propositions excite, or the contempt which the cowardice of the Administration inspires, will, when the hour of trial comes, show these bad men who, like thieves at a fire," &c.

Now, the facts which subsequent history has developed, do not confirm the good things prophesied of the Proclamation, and it is a wonderful stretch of charity to believe those who uttered them had any confidence in their statements.

THE POPE'S BULL AGAINST THE COMET.

To show that even the President himself had no confidence that any good could come from his proclamation, we quote as follows from his declaration to the Chicago Divines, who called upon him as a religious body, to add the force of religion to fanaticism. This was but a few days previous to the issuing of the proclamation. The President said :

"What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull against the comet. Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel states? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there? And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines. Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to us.And suppose they could be induced, by a proclamation of freedem from me to throw themselves upon us, what shall we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote me, a few

days since, that he was issuing more rations to slaves who have rushed to him than all the white troops under his command. They eat, and that is all."

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views. Still, if a real call for three regiments is made, I believe we can raise them in forty days. The arms and equipments would need to be furnished here. Our people have never marched without them. They go into camp while forming into regiments, and are drilled and practiced with arms and march as soldiers. To attempt the other course would be to dampen enthusiasm and make these men feel that

Of course, no sane man could see any good to the Union cause that could possibly result from the emancipation. Our armies had been successful almost everywhere. The Union armies had been successful prior to the 22d of they were not soldiers, but a mob. Again, if our people feel that they are going into the September, the date of the proclamation, in South to help fight rebels who will kill and deninety-four battles and heavy skirmishes, and stroy them by all means known to savages, as well as civilized men, who will deceive them had lost but eight, with two drawn battles. by fradulent flags of truce, and lying pretenThe rebels had been nearly driven out of Mis- ses, as they did the Massachusetts boys at souri, Arkansas, Kentucky, West Tennessee, a Williamsburg, and will use their negro slaves portion of Mississippi, the forts below New against them, both as laborers and fighting men, while they themselves must never fire at Orleans, and that city itself, together with the enemy's magazines, I think they will feel Baton Rouge, had fallen into our hands. The the draft is heavy on their patriotism; but if whole North Carolina coast, with Beaufort, S. the President will sustain Gen. Hunter, recognize all men, even black men, as legally capaC.,-sundry places of importance in Georgiable of that loyalty the blacks are wanting to the Florida coast-the Potomac cleared of ob- manifest, and let them fight, God and human structions-the rebel army driven from the nature on their side, the roads will swarm, if Peninsula, and Washington was not menaced need be, with multitudes whom New England would pour out to obey your call. Always by any adequate force for its reduction. In ready to do my utmost, I remain, most faithshort, everything was going on smoothly for fully, the Union cause. But this was just what the Radicals did not want. They desired to divide the North, so as to make union more improbable, and they set about every means in their power to accomplish this result. They coaxed, flattered, denounced and prophesied. They were not satisfied to let well enough alone, but the Union must be divided, and they saw that could not be done without dividing the North. They knew the proclamation and other revolutionary, to say nothing of unconstitutiona measures, would do it.

HORACE GREEEEY pledged 900,000 troops to leap forth the moment the proclamation should see the light.

GOV. ANDREW'S CONDITIONS. Gov. ANDREW was appealed to by the War Department for troops, in great haste. The order is signed by Adjutant General THOMAS, and dated May 19, '62, and directed to Gov. ANDREW:

"The Secretary of War desires to know how soon you can raise and organize three or four infantry regiments, and have them ready to be forwarded here, to be armed and equipped. Please answer immediately, &c.

(Signed,)

Your obedient servant

JNO. A. ANDREW."

Well, the Proclamation was issued-the thing was fixed to the Governor's liking-the

roads didn't "swarm" with the "multitudes?'
promised. But the subsequent chapter in this
Abolition drama may be read in the following
Abolition drama may be read in the following
telegraphic dispatches:

EXTRA SESSION OF THE MASSACHUSETTS LEG-
ISLATURE-GOV. ANDREW'S MESSAGE.

BOSTON, Nov. 11, 1863. The extra session of the Massachusetts Legislature assembled at noon, to-day.

Governor Andrew, in his message, reviews the legislative acts regarding bounties for recruits, and says:

"It has been represented to me by officers engaged in the recruiting service, as well as by many citizens and

magistrates, that these bounties do not offer sufficient pe

cuniary inducements to enable the required number to be raised within the two months which scarcely remain to us.

"At the request of several municipal governments, and of divers pairiotic and public spirited people of the commonwealth, I have, therefore, called together the general court for the simple and special purpose of devising plans to secure the contingent of volunteers assigned to Massachusetts, and to take such action in the premises as in its wisdom may be found expedient."

"In relation to volunteering Governor Andrew says:

"I am prepared, therefore, to assist in committing the commonwealth to a policy for the payment of regular To which the Governor responds under the wages to the Massachusetts volunteers in addition to all other pay allowances, bounties, and advantages hitherto above date: enjoyed."

"A call sudden and unexpected, finds me without materials for an intelligent reply. Our youeg men are all pre-occupied with other

"The employment of colored soldiers is strongly advocated in the address, and the bravery of the Fifty-fourth Massachustett's colored

regiment in making the assault upon Fort Wagner is eloquently referred to in proof of their fitness for infantry service.

BOSTON, November 11.

"In the legislature to-day the governor's address was referred to a special legislative committee, which met immediately after the House adjourned.

A bill was introduced proposing to give all soldiers who hereafter enlist or re-enlist twenty dollars per month from the State Treasury instead of the bounties now offered. Action upon this proposition was deferred until tomorrow."'

So, it seems after all, that money lies at the bottom of Massachusetts patriotism. What a commentory on the "Bull against the comet." But, we have another from GREELEY, just previous to the "Bull against the Comet:??

"Leading men from the East and the West alike express grave doubts whether their states will promptly furnish their respective quotas of men under the forthcoming call of the President. There would be no difficulty, they say, if the people were sure that the war was to be conducted with a single eye to the suppression of the rebellton, whether slavery went down with that which it caused or not.

"A war for the maintenance of slavery, as this seems in some quarters to be a war in which the recruiting officers' are instructed to accept no loyal men whose complexions are dark-is not one they think likely to make enlistments rapid. Some name sixty or ninety days as the periods within which it will be possible to raise the number required, while others say that their citizens will demand an antislavery policy before they will fill up the regiments."

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MR. SEWARD PROVES THE PROCLAMATION UNCONSTITUTIONAL.

Mr. SEWARD, in his letter of instructions to Minister ADAMS, in April, 1861, said:/

"The condition of slavery in the several states will remain just the same, whether the revolution succeeds or fails. There is not even a pretext for the complaint that the disaffected states are to be conquered by the U. S., if the revolution fail; for the rights of the states, and the condition of every human being in them, will remain subject exactly to the same laws and forms of administration, whether the revolution shall succeed, or whether it shall fail.In the one case, the states would be federally connected with the new Confederacy; in the other they would, as now, be members of the U. S.; but their constitutions and laws, customs, habits and institutions, in either case, will remain the same.

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"It is hardly necessary to add to this incontestible statement the further fact that the new President, as well as the citizens through whose suffrages he came into the administration, has

always repudiated all désire whatever, wherever imputed to him of them, of disturbing the system of slavery as it is existing under the Constitution and laws. The case, however, would not be fully presented if I were to omit to say that any such effort on his part would be unconstitutional, and all his actions in this direction would be prevented by the judicial authority, even though they were assented to by Congress and the people.”

Was Mr. SEWARD a traitor-a Copperheadwhen he penned these instructions?

CHAHTER XXV.

DISLOYALTY AND "TREASON" OF THE RADICALS, How the Radicals "Opposed the Government" before the

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Proclamation...Parker Pillsbury..."New York Times?? Before and After the Election..."New York Post" "Opposes the Government"..."New York Times" Again... "Chicago Tribune" Denounces the President... Wisconsin Home League on "Imbecility and Cowardice"...Predictions of New York Tribune"...Democratic Predictions...Gov. Stone admits this an "Abolition War”...A Short Tack after the Gale of 1862..."New York Tribune" ...More Prophesies by False Prophets... Wendell Phillips as a Prophet..."New York Post" as a Prophet... "National Intelligencer" a True Prophet...Gov. Andrew's Prophesies..."New York Tribune's" Prophesies... The "900,000," &c...Remarks of "National Intelligencer" on Same...The Proclamation in a Nut Shell... Belief in the Proclamation a Test of Loyalty...Forney Thereon... Senator Wilson's Address..."Disloyalty" of "Janesville, (Wis.) Gazette"..."Waukesha, (Wis.) Freeman"..."New York Tribune" on "Blunders"... Wendell Phillips on the "Lickspittle Administration"..."Milwaukee Sentinel" Disloyal to the "Government"..."Slate Journal" Ditto ...Phillips Again...Beecher on the "Government"....Testimony of Senator Browning..."Milwaukee Wisconsin' Throws a Javelin at Seward..."Chicago Tribune" Corrects Old Abe... "New York Independent" on the Administration... "New York Times" Scores the "Government"... "Chicago Tribune" Ditto... "Milwaukee Sentinel" Ditto...."Buffalo Express" Ditto..." Pittsburgh Chronicle" Ditto...."Anti-Slavery Standard" Ditto... "New York Post" on "Mistakes," &c...The Loyal Siamese Twins..."New York Tribune" on "Cabbage Head" Halleck.

HOW THE RADICALS OPPOSED THE "GOVERNMENT BEFORE THE PROCLAMATION.

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Since we have heard so much about “disloyalty" and the charge of "copperheadism" against everybody that did not endorse all the measures and policies of the "Government,' we will here present some specimens of abuse and opposition to the "Government," so that the style of then radicals may be know when they were displeased with the policy.

PARKER PILLSBURY, whom the Republicans have so tenderly petted, thus vented his spleen and "discouraged enlistments," for which the administration never even talked of having him arrested and sent over the lines:

"Hasten back to a recognition of your own manhood-of your divine origin and destiny.Believe yourselves too sacred to be shot down like dogs by Jeff. Davis and his myrmidons,

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