land, that the Union must and shall be pre- | States, the relation established or recognized served! (Great cheering.)

"Your friend and fellow citizen,

"EDWARD EVERETT."

LORD BROUGHAM ON COERCION.

The venerable Lord BROUGHAM, one of the

wisest and most conservative men of England, thus wrote on the 19th of March, '61-a just rebuke to those who would sustain something they have dubbed a Platform, and make shipwreck of the Constitution and Union:

by the laws thereof touching persons bound to labor or involuntary service in the District of Columbia, without the consent of Maryland, and without the consent of the owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor the power to interfere with or prohibit representatives and others from bringing with them to the city of Washington, retaining and taking away, persons so bound to labor or service, nor the power to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States within those states and territories where the same is established or organized; nor the power to prohibit the removal or transportation of persons held to labor or involuntary service

"The alarm felt by all the friends of human improvement at the risk of disunion in Ameri- in any state or territory of the United States

ca, are naturally uppermost in one's mind at the present time. How much it is to be wished that the contending parties in both Italy and America would take a leaf out of our books, and learn the wisdom as well as virtue of compromise and mutual concession."

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· PLAN OF ADJUSTMENT ADOPTED BY. THE PEACE CONGRESS.

"Sec. 1. In all the present territory of the United States, north of the parallel of thirtysix degrees thirty minutes of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line the status of persons held to service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed. Nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the territorial legislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation. But the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal courts according to the common law. When any territory north or south of said line, with such boundary line as Congress may prescribe shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude, as the constitution of such State may provide.

"Sec. 2. No territory shall be aquired by the United States except by discovery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from the States which allow involuntary servitude, and a majority of all the Senators from States which prohibit that relation; nor shall territory be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators from each class of States hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of the two-third majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty!

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it is established or recognized by law or usage; to any other state or territory thereof, where and the right, during transportation by sea or river, of touching at ports, shores and landings, but not for sale or traffic, shall exist; nor shall Congress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation on persons held to labor or service than on land. The bringing into the District of Columbia of persons held to labor or service for sale, or placing them in depots to be afterwards transferred to other places for sale as merchandize, is prohibited, and the right of transit through any state or territory against its dissent, is prohibited.

"Sec. 4. The third paragrah of the second section of the fourth article of the constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the states, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their judicial and ministerial officers, from enforcing the delivery of fugitives from labor to the person to whom such service or labor is due.

"Sec. 5. The foreign slave trade is hereby forever prohibited, and it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation of slaves, coolies or persons held to service or labor, into the United States, and the Territories from places beyond the limits. thereof.

"Sec. 6. The first, third and fifth sections, together with this section six of these amendments, and the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the constitution, and third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not be amended or abolished without the consent of all the states.

"Sec. 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall pay to the owner the full value of his fugitives from labor, in all cases where the Marshal or other officer whose duty it was to arrest such fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after arrest, such fugitive was rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for the recovery of such fugitive. Congress shall provide by law for securing to the citizens of each state the privileges and immun

"Sec. 3. Neither the constitution nor any amendment thereto, shall be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish or control, within any state or territory of the Unitedities of the several states."

MR. FRANKLIN'S SUBSTITUTE.

tion whether John Doe or Richard Roe shall possess a certain ten dollar bill. The RepubThe substitute offered in the Peace Confer.lican party obtained power in the recent Presence by Mr. FRANKLIN, of Pennsylvania, for the first article of the Guthrie Basis, and which was adopted by the vote of all the states represented, except Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Delaware and Missouri, is as follows:

"Art. 1. In all the present territory of the United States, not embraced in the Cherokee Treaty, North of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thity minutes of North latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory South of that line, the status of persons held to service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed by law, nor shall the rights arising from said relation be impaired; but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts, according to the common law. When any territory North or South of said line within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states, with or without involuntary servitude, as the Constitution of such state may provide."

THE EFFECT OF IT.

The failure of Wisconsin, says the Milwaukee Sentinel, to appoint commissioners is likely to have a decidedly opposite effect from what the opponents of such action have intended. The N. Y. Post says:

"In the conference four strongly Republican states remain unrepresented. Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota and Kansas have neglected or refused to send commissioners. Of the twenty states represented, three of the free, Rhode Island, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, will join the seven slave states in any propositions which the latter desire. Thus, should the slave states unite for Guthrie's plan, the vote would probably be a tie, ten to ten. The four free states not represented in the Peace Conference owe it to the country to repair their neglect and authorize the attendahce of commissioners."?

GREELEY STRIVES TO PREVENT COMPROMISE.

The following appeared in the New York Tribune while the peace negociations were pending. It was designed to frighten off the partizans:

idential contest by professing certain clearly defined principles upon the subject of slavery in the territories. Being about to assume the seals of office, eminent men, of whom it had a right to expect better things, counsel that it repudiate its platform of principles, confess itself a common cheat, turn its back upon those who elevated it to place, and convict itself of having either been a rank hypocrite before the election, or of being a skulking craven now. Such counselors should know that men and parties which attain power by professing one set of principles, and then, when in office, sacrifice them, and carry out another set, always break down and go to perdition, amid the jeers of the foes whom they beat in the contest, and the execrations of the friends whom they afterwards betrayed. And yet this sort of grand larceny, this stealing into power by false tokens, this playing the 'confidence game' on the broad theatre of a nation, is sometimes called statesmanship! The Republican party can better afford to lose than keep the authors of such statesmanship in its ranks. Let them go!"

The Tribune followed this up by declaring the right of secession. On the 2d of March, '61, it said:

"We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great principle embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, is sound and just; and that, if the slave states, the cotton states, or the Gulf states only, choose to form an independent nation, they have a moral right to do so!??

We might fill a dozen volumes with corelative testimony, all going to show that the Republicans were determined that no compromise should be affected. Most of their leading presses and orators treated all who favored compromise as little, if any better than traitors.

Little did they think that compromise is written on the face of nature itself, and that their very existence is the result of compromise.

The yielding and compensating principles between heat and cold, wet and dry, earth and air, attraction and repulsion, positive and negative, in the mental and physical, good and bad, in the moral and political, wise and unwise principles in the material world, are all the reFor a man or a party to win a Presiden-sult of compromise. Without this accommotial election under false pretences, is an of dating principle, or virtue of yielding partially fense as much more heinous than obtaining to opposing forces, to secure results otherwise money under false pretenses, as the adminis

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tration of the affairs of a great nation is of unattainable, no human government could be more consequence to the world than the ques-formed, no laws could be enacted, no laws ex

ecuted, no society maintained, and even no poubt of its intent. We submit the following family happiness secured.

Cæsar viewed the Persians across the Helles-/ great lever placed in the hands of the Seces

was Declared an "Offense"...The Present Programme following gloomy picture under the caption of

like the present state of affairs. The spectacle of a great nation unable to enforce a law enacted with all due solemnity and upon the observance of which the exercise of all its functions depend, is humiliating to the last degree.

"Whatever may be the ultimate aims of the seceding states, a present advantage is of the utmost importance as a lever for future operations. A tarriff is highly unpopular in the border states. The one just enacted is the strongest argument yet addressed to them to go to the seceding ones, and is telling with great effect. No matter how absurd may be the statements and arguments used, they none the less effect what we would avoid. We do not at the present moment wish to give an opportunity to draw an ill-natured picture of the Northern capitalist seeking by legislation to add to his gains, by increasing the cost of everything the poor man uses. No step could have been taken, so well calculated to alienate. the border states, at the very moment it has been our policy to conciliate them.

"The seceding states have us at equal disadvantage in the foreign Courts. The nations of Europe with whom we have the most intimate commercial relations are earnest advocates of free trade. Yet at the very moment that we most desire their sympathy and co-operation, we insult their conviction and strike the severest blow in our power at their interests. The seceding states will take instant advantage of our blunder, and will make every effort to secure their will, if not an actual recognition, by adopting a commercial policy in harmony with their own. It was for this purpose, undoubtedly, that the enactment of the new tariff was postponed, to await the report of the Commissioners just sent abroad.

"At home and abroad, we are already feeling the effects of our gratuitios folly. Both English and French journals are teeming with illnatured and unfavorable remarks; with contrasts either openly, stated or implied in favor of the seceding states.

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tent for good, goes but a small way toward mar-
king its folly. It teems with mischief. It
widens the chasm between the revolted states
and the Government, by introducing anew a
system which has always been obnoxious to
them, and which would be sure to repel them
now did they have any disposition to return to
their old line of duty. It weakens the hands
of the Union men of the border states, who al-
ready find it hard enough to keep their mortal
enemies at bay. It greatly "disaffects England.
and France, alienating the good will which the
Federal Government might otherwise surely
reckon on, and presents them a direct induce-
ment to recognize, at the earlist day, the inde-
pendence of the states which reject both it and
the policy on which it rests. It imposes new
troubles and burdens upon the administrators
of the law at a time when it was hard to see
how they could efficiently and honorably dis-
charge those which already pressed upon them.
It paralyzes the authority of the Government,
and puts it in a helpless and ridiculous posi-
tion, like pidus in rags, or Belisarius at the
wayside, at a time when, if ever, it needed its
whole prestige, its strongest moral force. If
Congress was bent on fastening this measure
upon the country, it should at least have arm-
ed the President
ed the President with power to enforce it,
either by enabling him to abolish contumacious
ports of entry, or to collect the revenues out-
side the harbor To make law, yet withhold
the means of its execution, is sheer tomfool-
ery."

THE MORRILL TARIFF IN ENGLAND.
The London Times said:

"We do not say that the tide has turned, but we say that matters are just in that state which imposes a very grave responsibility on friendly nations and especially on Great Britain. It is quite possible to forecast and arm ourselves against the consequences of the revolutionary movement, so far as they affect this island, without treating it as a fait accompli. We shall not be deterred, for instance, by the wrath of "Never was a nation in greater embarrass-a New York cotemporary from looking for new ment. We confess our inability to enforce the most important law we enact, and sit passively down and see them violated, without raising a finger. How can we maintain any national spirit under such humiliation? We take the step of all others most calculated to alienate the border states and foreign nations. We can neither collect our revenue or afford protection. Who, under such circumstances, would dare to embark in any enterprise? How much revenue can be collected in Northern ports? No one can answer these questions. Is not such uncertainty the greatest of all evils? A state of war would be almost preferable. It would be the beginning of an end. Thus far we seem Thus far we seem to be without direction or purpose, or the means of enforcing our purpose, if we had any."

THE SHEER TOMFOOLERY OF THE NEW TARIFF.
The New York World said:

sources of cotton supply, and drawing, if necessary upon the resourses of our own colonies, to save our manufacturers from ruin. On the other hand we cannot fail to see, and it is our duty to point out, the tendency of a retrogade commercial policy in the North to divert European trade from Boston and New York to Charleston and New Orleans. These are matters of business, and the warmest friends of the Union cannot expect our merchants to celebrate its obsequies by self-immolation."

This is the way we are "making history." To say that this measure was not intended to widen the breach, and drive away the South, would be a poor compliment to the intelligence of the leaders who were responsible for the Morrill Tariff. That the rebels in Congress either voted for this Tariff or silently permit

"To say that this new tariff is simply impo- ted it to pass, shows that they were as anxious

to have this "irritating scheme" passed, as its Northern friends were to pass it, and probably for the same purpose as a common lever to move a common object.

We would have charity, and would not condemn our fellow men of so gross crimes, without sufficient evidence; but we submit it to the scrutinizing ordeal of history, which shall, the foregoing facts, and what may yet follow in these pages, to determine whether all the conspirators against our Government left the Union under the Southern ordinances of secession.

without bias, apply all

THE TABLES TURNED ON THE CHARGE OF "DISLOYALTY.”

Disloyalty, in its political signification, means unfaithfulness to one's government, or "system of laws," which constitute the Government. This is the only test that can be made in this country. In monarchial governntsme, loyalty to the person of the monarch is required, because a monarch or despot assumes to be the government, but in this country, according to the code adopted by our fathers, loyalty to our "system of laws" is all that can be required, and he who is unfaithful to that "system of laws" is disloyal to the government. By that "system of laws" is meant any law that may be passed in "pursuance" of the constitution, which is the fountain license of power.

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Here, then, is the correct definition of "loyalty" used in a political sense (though in fact no such word belongs to the nomenclature of a Republican Government) and as we have already shown from innumerable speeches, resolves, addresses and editorials, by the radical leaders of the party in power, to be not only denunciatory of the constitution and such laws passed under it, as they do not relish, but that they have raised the standard of "positive defiance" and hence have shown their disloyalty to their government.

than the Southern rebels, because to the same crime they (the radicals) add deception and hypocrisy.

If we were Prosecuting Attorney in court, and it was our official duty to prosecute a man for wilful murder, on circumstantial evidence, and if we should succeed in proving1st. A motive for the crime. 2d, Opportunity to commit it. 3d, Threats to accomplish it.

4th, That the weapon of death had been found in the prisoner's possession.

5th, That blood had been found upon his person.

6th. That it was for his interest, either pe cuniarily or otherwise to have the deceased out of the way.

7th. Frequent admissions by the prisoner that he had attempted to take the life of the deceased.

If we had proved all these facts, we should have a clear conscience to ask the jury for a verdict of "guilty"-we should cite the court to innumerable cases, where conviction was had on weaker testimony than this-we should ask the court for instructions on this point-the court would give them-the jury would render a verdict of guilty, if unbiased, without leaving their seats..

Now, what is the evidence before us?

The leaders of the party in power are prisoners before the bar of public opinion, charged with the crime of not only disloyalty, but tresaon to the Government. What is the evidence ?

1st. We have shown their motive for dissolution, as exhibited through a long series of years to divide the Union, and multiply the officers, so as to give a fewer number a greater opportunity at the spoils to build up an aristocracy; wherein the poor shall pay constant tribute to the rich, by way of enormous taxes for interest on a monstrous public debt, which they have claimed to be a "public blessing."

2d. Is not the present the fairest opportunity, to destroy the Union and civil liberty, on the pretext of military necessity?

3d. Threats Search the preceding pages, and you will find threats without number to dissolve the Union.

Not only this, but we believe, and will endeavor to prove, by a chain of circumstantial and and positive evidence, as strong as would bequired in a court of justice to convict one charged with murder in the first degree, that the political leaders of the party in power de- 4th. Have these marplots not been found sire, and will accomplish, if they can, a disso- with the weapons of dissolution in their hands, lution of the Union This is a serious charge,-to-wit: the slavery agitation, to say nothing we know. If true, the guilty should be placed of other weapons? Read the testimony given in a higher grade of crime, if that be possible, by themselves.