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they are determined to accomplish their paramount object by any means within their power.

"For these reasons the Northern Disunionists, like the

Disunionists of the South, are violently opposed to all compromises or constitutional amendments, or efforts at conciliation, whereby peace should be restored and the Union preserved. They are striving to break up the Union under the pretence of unbounded devotion to it.professing undying attachment to it, and a willingness to make any sacrifice to maintain it. They are trying to plunge the country into civil war as the surest means of destroying the Union, upon the plea of enforcing the laws and protecting the public property. If they can defeat every kind of adjustment or compromise, by which the points at issue may be satisfactorily settled, and keep up the irritation, so as to induce the Border States to follow the Cotton States, they will feel certain of the accomplish

They are struggling to overthrow the Constitution, while

ment of their ultimate designs.

"Nothing will gratify them so much, or contribute so effectually to their success, as the Secession of Tennessee and the Border States. Every State that withdraws from the Union increases the relative power of Northern Abolitionists to defeat a satisfactory adjustment, and bring on a war which, sooner or later, must end in final separation and recognition of the independence of the two contending sections."

That Mr. Douglas drew a correct portrait of the managers of the Republican party is proved by the letter written by Senator Chandler, of Michigan, to Austin Blair, then Governor of that State. This letter was written a few days after the date of Senator Douglas's letter to the editor of the Memphis Appeal. Here

to them, they repented of their haste, acknowledged their error, admitted that the managers were right and they wrong, and that no Republican state should have sent delegates. They, therefore begged for God's sake, for the Governor of Michigan to come to the rescue, and save the Republican party-not the Union-from rupture. ture. The Governor was requested to send stiff backed men or none-none who were likely to favor any plan of conciliation. In the opinion of Chandler, the Union would not be worth a curse, without a little blood letting.

As far back as December 23, 1860, Mr. Toombs issued an address to his constituents, of Georgia, in which he says, speaking of the Crittenden Compromise:

"A vote was taken in the Committee of Thirteen on amendments to the Constitution, proposed by the Hon. John J. Crittenden, and each and all of them were voted against harmoniously by the Black Republican members of the Committee. In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members of the Committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other members.

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made his speech in the Senate, in which he Mr. Toombs afterward, January 7, 1861, said he would accept the Crittenden Compromise as a final settlement of the slavery question. But, as Senator Hale, a leading Repubtican, said, on the floor of the Senate, when Mr. Crittenden presented his plan to the Sen"MY DEAR GOVERNOR :---Governor Bingham and myself ate, the controversy was not to be settled by telegraphed to you on Saturday, at the request of Massa-Congress. The Republican managers did not

it is:

"WASHINGTON, Feb. 11, 1861.

chusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compromise Congress. They admit that we were right and they were wrong; that no Republican State should have sent delegates; but they are here and can't get away. Ohio, Indiana and Rhode Island are caving in, and there is some danger of Illinois, and now they beg us, for God's sake, to come to their rescue and save the Republican party from rupture. I hope you will send stiff-backed men or none. The whole thing was gotten up against my judgment and advice, and will, end in thin smoke. Still, I hope, as a matter of courtesy to some of our erring breth

ren, that you will send the delegates. "Truly your friend,

"His Excellency AUSTIN BLAIR.

Z. CHANDLER.

"P. S.-Some of the Manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood-letting this Union will not, in my estimation, be worth a curse.'

That letter is full of point. It opens to the public gaze the motives upon which the Republican managars acted. Virginia had solicited a conference of the states to see if some plan could not be devised and agreed upon, to save the Union and prevent civil war. Sincere patriots were anxious to save the Border StatesDelaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, together with North Carolina and Tennessee-and therefore favored the assembly of this Peace Conference. The Republican managers were opposed to it Massachusetts and New York sent delegates, but when the plan of the Republican managers was explained

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mean to permit it to be settled there. They wanted, in the language of Senator Douglas, a disruption of the Union, believing disruption "would draw after it, as an inevitable consequence, civil war, servile insurrections, and, finally, the utter extermination of slavery in all the Southern states.' They are the great criminals upon whose backs the scorpion whips of a duped and outraged people should be applied.

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But for these men, we might have continued a united and prosperous people. Their devilish spirit demanded war, blood-letting, and the land has been gorged with the blood of brethren, shed by the hands of brothers. Desolation and death, humiliation and tears and sorrow, have been our portion since these Republican managers have had the direction of public affairs at Washington. They are the cabal that have controlled the President from the start.To what condition the country will be reduced by the time their power shall cease, on the retirement of Mr. Lincoln, can be imagined from its present deplorable state, under their manipulatation. All our troubles might have been avoided but for their determination that there should be NO COMPROMISE. What a price the country is paying for the Abolition whistle!

CHAPTER XXIII.

resolutions referred to his Committee, where they were kept, as was believed, to prevent

REPUBLICANS OBSTINATE AND REFUSE TO COM- action:]
PROMISE.

The Conduct of the Abolitionists in the Wisconsin Legis
lature... Radical Reasons for not Compromising... The
Chicago Platform Good Enough for the Radicals...
Tenacity of the Wouldn't-Yield-An-Inchers... Effort of
Democrats to send Commissioners to the Compromise
Congress... Republicans Claim to have "Struggled Man-
fully against the United Democracy"...Carl Schurz and
Our Side"...Republicans of Sauk City opposed to Com-
promise... A Candid Admission... Edward Everett on
Compromise... Lord Brougham on Coercion... Plan of
Adjustment by the Peace Congress... Franklin's Substi-
tute... New York Post" on Effect... Greeley against
Compromise...General Conclusions, &c.

WISCONSIN LEGISLATURE ON COMPROMISE.

In addition to the foregoing, we have sorted out the following from the proceedings of the Wisconsin Legislature, as samples of the general course of the Republicans, and as showing their general purposes and designs. With this we consider the "record complete."

In the Senate of Wisconsin, Jan. 25th, 1861, the following resolution was passed:

"Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That the following resolution, reported by a minority of the select committee of 33 in the Congress of the United States, and signed by Messrs. Tappan of New Hampshire, and Washburn of Wisconsin, reflects the judgment and sentiments of the Legislature of Wisconsin, and that its views and patriotic conclusions should be adequate to restore permanent peace and prosperity to our glorious Republic.

"Resolved. That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation of the Union; and the protection of all the material interests of the country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that extrication from present difficulties should be looked for in efforts to protect and preserve the public property, and the enforcement of the laws, rather than in new guaranties for particular interests or compromises and concessions of unreasonable demands."

Mr. BRADFORD, (Rep.) introduced the following in the Assembly:

"Resolved, That we, as the representatives of the people of Wisconsin, are opposed to each and all the schemes of compromise which have been proposed or may hereafter be devised recognizing slavery as in accordance with the Constitution, or, in any way tending to extend, diffuse or perpetuate so peculiar and odious an institution, and which has been well said to be "the sum of all villainies."

Mr. KEOGH (Dem.) offered the following, [which was intended to be a gentle reminder to the Chairman of the Committee on Federal Relations, (Mr. SPOONER, now Lieutenant Governor,) who managed to have all peace

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"Resolved, That the Committee on Federal Relations be instructed to report within oneweek on the preamble and resolutions No. 8, A., referred to them on yesterday, as to the policy or impolicy of the action therein proposed, and also whether the state of Wisconsin ought or ought not, in the opinion of said Committee, take any action in reference to the dangers that now threaten our Union, and whether, if any action is deemed necessary, it should be pacificatory first, before like, or whether it is our policy as a state to declare against all concessions, and for blood and strife.

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Resolved, That the 'poet,' in giving the history of our early strife with the mother country, and the object of our forefathers in reference to the white and black man's rights, &c., expresses just and wise sentiments, as follows:

"The Tableaux change, and Brother J. proposes To 'boot' the King, and ring his soldiers' noses! Now, George this 'insult' with gallant scorn resented,. (Though 'tis due to state he afterwards repented;) And, of course, a long and sanguinary war ensued, And brother's hands with brother's blood imbued! Those were the times, as their history now unfolds, That friccassied men's bodies-and tried their souls! Then, we had "Tragedians,' all first class 'Stars,' Who, true to heroic life, delineated Mars; No phosphorous lightning-no sheet iron thunder! Then shook the Thespian Temple with false wonder! No incandescent flash-no pyrotecnic blaze! Such as school boys muster in nocturnal plays; No 'fancy fencing, with stub-shod fron swordsNo ratan muskets flourished on THOSE 'Boards!' But the real 'Old Flint Lock' and Damascus Steel, Made the 'claret' flow, and flesh and muscle feel! And on every bloody field the patriots' bayonets Pierc'd the tinseled helmets of Gen'ral and Brevets! Nor were our fathers fighting,like hypocrites and knaves, Under pretense of giving 'freedom' to their slaves! Nor were they guilty, in their 'Bill of vested rights,' Of classing Ethiopians with their brother whites! They left to God the gen'ral purpose of his plan, To apportion as He will'd the proper 'Rights of Man!' Of which self-gov'ment-more potent than the restEach prevailing Race make laws that suit them best. Since God himself wisely hath partition'd racesAssigned to each their superior and inferior places-What right hath mortals to change His holy plan, And legislate the inferior to the superior man?'" On the 26th of January, the propositions of Virginia for a Peace Congress, were transmitted to the Legislature by Governor RANDALL. These propositions were conceived in a worthy spirit, and evidently showed an earnestness to compromise and save blood shed. They were They were imploring but not dictatorial. treated with general respect, by some Republicans, but evidently detested and scorned by the mass of the party. The Democracy to a man were in favor of immediate action, and a favorable response. For days the question was argued, in various forms, in both Houses, and finally, by the schemes of Republican party leaders, the proposition to send Commissioners

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was defeated. Below we present some of the opinions expressed in the course of debate by leading Republicans, though it is due to state that some Republicans appeared to honestly favor action:

"Senator Hutchison, (Rep.) believed that we should meet with the representatives of Virginia around the family altar. There is never danger to him whose cause is just, meeting with his adversary. It was at first thought that the delegation in Congress should act as commissioners, but upon further reflection, and as it was for a specific purpose, it was thought better to send special commissioners He inserted Mr. Washburne's name, as he had been on the committee of 33, and it might be gratifying to have his action endorsed.

"Senator Bartlett, (Rep.,) thought that slavery was sufficiently guarantied by the Constitution in the State of Virginia. If we appoint a committee in accordance with the Virginia resolutions we meet with her commissioners on the basis that they present. As a Republican party we debauch ourselves if we place ourselves on the record, as these resolutions require. It's worse than folly to make a mere show of amity by sending commissioners to Washington, bound by instructions not to grant the demands of the South, and nothing. but an insult to those with whom we treat. If we were prepared to admit that south of 36 deg. 30 min. should be given up to slavery and that it should be perpetual, then indeed might we consistently treat. The Senator from the 30th, Hutchinson, thinks it an alarming thing that we cannot meet the Southern States round the family altar, but it is true that at this time they are engaged in acts of treason and he thought the resolutions showed a lack of moral courage, and he as a Republican, did not wish to be put in such an anamolous position as they would place him in. Moral courage, sir, is that kind of courage which enables a man to take his stand on principle and do right. This is what alone can save the country in the present crisis. We cannot look to the shattered columns of the Democracy of the North for salvation. Nothing but firmness and integrity on the part of the Republicans will carry the country safely through the present crisis. No good can arise from such a conference as is proposed.

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'There can be no moral influence in the course advocated by Senator Hntchinson as it bears a lie on its face. We should also look to the expense of this commission, and believing that no good can result from the expense, cannot go in for it. He that is wasteful of the people's money is also wasteful of principle." February 1, 61, the following action was had in the Senate, on the Commissioner propo

sition:

"Senator Gill then spoke against the adoption of Senator Hutchinson's amendment: He was tired of hearing of Union savers. Too

many eulogies had already been pronounced on such men as Alexander H. Stevens, of Georgia. He reiterated at length that the Virginia resolutions called for Commissioners from this state, with the words explicitly stating that they were required to deliberate on amendments to the Constitution, and if they went they would find themselves deluded and in a snare.

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"Senator Worthington followed in a pointed and deliberate argument against the appointment of commissioners. He said that the position of Senator Gill was invulnerable, and that he very much doubted, from what he knew of the sentiments of some of the intended Commissioners of their accepting the commission. He agreed with the remarks made by his colleague on the committee, Senator Bartlett.

"Senator Cole, as one of the committee on Federal relations, was impelled by a full consideration of the Virginia resolutions, to vote for the amendment as amended.

"Senator Joiner, in some brief and sensible remarks, stated his intention, notwithstanding the grand flourishes of some gentlemen to the contrary that he had heard during the argument, of voting for the amendment.

"The resolutions introduced by Senator Hutchinson, and as amended by Senator Virgin, were then adopted by

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the affirmative, which occasioned much ap"The Lieutenant Governor giving his vote in plause.

The Lieut. Governor (Rep.) was denounced by his party press for giving this casting vote. On the same day the following debate was had in the Assembly:

"Mr. Rugee (Rep.) spoke in favor of his amendment, and was in favor of acting up to the requirements of the 21,000 majority in this state. He was satisfied that the Democratic party would not swallow the Republican platform, and he could see no propriety in sending he is willing to conform to the Republican a Democrat among the Commissioners, unless platform.

used to be, 'Have we a Bourbon amongst us?? It "Mr. C R. Johnson (Rep.) said the question might now be rendered, 'Have we a Republican party?' He believed the Republican party was a Union party. He was a Union man. He could not appreciate the expression, that 'in these revolutionary times it is ridiculous to talk of the Chicago platform' was not an emanation from a Republican breast. He was in

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He spoke against the idea that slaves are property. [Why not have raised this question on the Ripon speech before electing Judge Howe? -REPORTER.]

"Mr. Atwood said he respected the frankness of the gentleman from Rock in declaring he would go for the amendment to kill the propo

"Mr. D. H. Johnson, (Rep.,) thought it important that we should have a free interchange of sentiment, with a view to a better under-sition. He thanked him for that. He liked standing. He was sorry to see a spirit of disappointment and opposition here. He alluded to the gentleman from Rock, [Mr. Graham, which brought that gentleman to his feet in explanation.] Mr. J. proceeded to discuss at considerable length the propriety of not including the Chicago platform in his action..

"Mr. Rugee, (Rep.,) said if any Republican would show anything bad in the Chicago platform he would withdraw it.

"Mr. D. H. Johnson rejoined.

"Mr. Bradford, (Rep.,) said that he discovered that his Democratic friends were as calm as turtle doves, while many of the Republicans seemed to be trembling in their boots. [Laughter.] He predicted that to send commissioners would end in a conventional bubble, and would explode, amounting to nothing. He knew when Virginia asked anything she meant to have it or nothing. He was decidedly opposed to the proposition of sending commissioners. He cautioned the Republicans against leaving out the Republican platform If they did they would leave out many of the party. "Mr. Atwood, (Rep.) said that several gentlemen had endeavored to impress upon this House that they were Republicans. He believed that where he lived no one questioned his Republicanism. This question was not one of party; it was not to advance Republicanism as such-it was to save our country, and party had nothing to do with it. He could meet the Democrats and act with them on this matter, and never stop to enquire whether they ever had a platform or not. In giving the 21,000 majority," so much referred to here, we did not expect these dreadful realities which now surround us. We must now act upon the facts and circumstances as they surround us. These commissioners could go to Washington and act independent of any other state. They would no doubt act with reference to the sentiment of the people of the state as much as possible. He was opposed to any positive instructions, though he should have no objection to have the commissioners required to communicate with the legislature.

"Mr. Rugee again rejoined, taking strong ground in favor of sending the Chicago platform to Washington.

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Mr. Graham, (Rep.) said he had intended to be content with a silent vote against this measure, but he could hardly sit still since so much had been said, and his proposition had been voted down. He believed the northern Democrats were as loyal to the constitution and government as the Republicans, and he should not object to see a Democrat appointed, if the commissioners should be raised. He should vote for Mr. Rugee's proposition to instruct, for the purpose of killing the motion.

the Chicago platform as much as any one, but he could not consent to tack that and state constitutions on propositions of this kind.— He believed this move would do good. He believed it would do good for a parley to be held. It could do no harm-it might do good.”

From the Assembly Debates on the 4th we take the following:

"Mr. Dwight (Rep.) was at first in favor of sending commissioners, but the arguments he had heard had convinced him of his error, and he was not ashamed to own it. He did not propose to get down on his knees when the South had a club over his head, and eat a large piece of pumpkin pie.' His children were all girls, and therefore he could stand the war very well. He wished he was in the Chair, he would show the South a little of Old Jack

son.

In short, he was opposed to all concessions and all compromise.

"Mr. Lindsley (Rep.) was opposed to this commission. He believed we had already given and he was opposed to going any further. He the South an intimation of what we would do, would favor the submission of our personal liberty bill to a judicious committee, and if found to be unconstitutional, to repeal it, but he was opposed to meeting the South for any such purpose as this. Much as he loved peace and quiet he would willingly sacUnion, and he would be willing to make any rifice his life to abolish slavery. He loved the reasonable sacrifices to save it, but he would not vote for this resolution.

"Mr. Spooner, (Rep.) was opposed to the amendment. He saw where the opposite side met the difficulty. They find it necessary to ignore the expressed will of the people. His constituents had instructed him not to back down in the least, and to yield nothing. So far as he was concerned, he should stand by his instructions. He could vote for no such propositions and go back to his constituents.”

A correspondent of the Milwaukee Sentinel (rep.) of February, said:

"My sympathies on this occasion were all with the Republicans, who struggled manfully against the united Democracy, aided by members from their own ranks, to defeat this proposition; and who were finally overcome only by the casting vote of the Lieutenant Governor, who, representing the whole state, nevertheless preferred to vote with the six Republicans who favored the proposition, rather than the fourteen who opposed it. Vengeance is not mine."

CARL SCHURZ was at Norwalk, Ohio, during this controversy. He, with CHANDLER, of

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Michigan, was opposed to compromise, and be-read to the meeting from the Hon EDWARD ieved that to send "stiff-backed Republicans." EVERETT:

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"By Telegraph from NORWALK, OHIO, Feb. 1, 1861. Appoint Commissioners to Washington conference-myself one, to strengthen our side. 'CARL SCHURZ."

The Republicans in various portions of the State soon began to act, and wire pullers pulled the strings to prevent compromise. A "Union" meeting was held by the Republicans of Sauk City, Sauk county, Wisconsin, in February, and from among their resolutions we select the following:

"Resolved, That we, as Republicans, will not submit to compromises at the sacrifice of principle."

"There was a Brutus once, that would have brook'd
The eternal devil, to keep his State in Rome,
As easily as a King."-Julius Cæsar.

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"WASHINGTON, Feb. 2, 1861.

"MY DEAR SIR--I much regret that it is to be held in Faneuil Hall next Tuesday. not in my power to be present at the meeting have yielded, at the sacrifice of personal convenience,to the advice and request that I would prolong my stay at Washington, with a view to conference with members of Csngress and other persons from various parts of the Union, who are uniting their counsels and efforts for its preservation.

"The crisis is one of greater danger and importance than has ever before existed. Six states have declared their separation from the Union, and the withdrawal of the seventh is a probable event. The course of the remaining Southern States will be decided in a few days. · They are under opposing influences. A strong conservative sentiment binds them to the Union; a natural sympathy with the seceding states draws them in an opposite direction.

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"If they adhere to the Union there will be no insuperable difficulty in winning back the sister States, which have temporarily withdrawn from us, but if the border states are drawn into the Southern Confederacy the fate of the country is sealed. Instead of that generations the envy of the civilized world, we palmy prosperity which has made us for two shall plunge into the road to ruin. We must look forward to collision at home-fierce, bloody, deadly collision-not alone between tween neighboring States-town and country, the two great sections of the country, but beand embittered parties in the same city-and abroad we must submit to the loss of the rank we have hitherto sustained among the family of nations. Human nature is the same in all ages, and the future, now impending over our once happy country, may be read in the mournful history of the Grecian and Italian republics, and in the terrific annals of the French revolution. To expect to hold fifteen States in

The Milwaukee Sentinel, in February, 1861, the Union by force is preposterous. The idea made the following admission:

"Had the election of last November resulted in favor of that party, [the Democracy,] we should have heard nothing of 'Secession;' no complaints about 'Personal Liberty Laws; no denunciation of Northern fanaticism; no talk of a 'Southern Confederacy.' South Carolina indeed, might have made more or less fuss, as usual; but she would have stood alone, and her fit would have soon passed over."

This was very true, but the Democracy did not succeed; hence the necessity for compro

mise.

EDWARD EVERETT ON COMPROMISE.

A large and enthusiastic Union meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, Boston, February, 1861, at which the CRITTENDEN proposition was endorsed unanimously. The following letter was

of a civil war, accompanied, as it would be, by a servile insurrection, is too monstrous to be entertained for a moment. If our sister states must leave us, in the name of heaven let them go in peace. peace. I agree in the sentiment that the people alone can avert these dire calamities. Political leaders, however well disposed, are hampered by previous committals and controlled by their associates. The action of Congress, unless accelerated by an urgent impulse from the ultimate source of power, is too much impeded by the forms of legislation and tedipolitical parties of the country-agencies unousness of debate. There is no hope from the happily too potent for mischief, but, in the present extremity, powerless for good. except by a generous sacrifice of all party views, interest and ambition to the public weal. imous utterance of the voice of the people, "No; it is only by the loud, emphatic, unanthat the danger can be averted. Let the cry go forth from Faneuil Hall, and ring through the

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