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piness. But the tide of the destoyers of the Union was at its flow—the crisis they had long sought to create, had arrived, with the additional advantage of having the reigns of Government in their power, so that while they might not be able to control the storm, they could direct the course of the ship of state, with a view to cause sufficient damage to justify in their belief a general overhauling and repairs,with “all the modern improvements,” as expressed by Gen. BUTLER in New York.

The following full history of the CRITTENDEN compromise, and the action of the Republican party thereon was compiled by a distinguished patriot, and we here present it in detail. We can well afford the space it occupies, as it covers the most important history of our country.

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promise." It will develop the great crime ization and humanity, by men, who, unfortuthat has been committed against liberty, civilnately for the American people, had, for over two years past, the direction of our national affairs.

Crittenden, of Kentucky, introduced into the On the 18th day of December, 1860, Senator Senate of the United States a series of resolutions as a basis of settlement of the difficulties between the North and the South-difficulties, which at that time, threatened the peace of the country and the integrity of the Union. [Congeessional Globe, Part 1, session of 1860-61, page 114 ]

Senator Hale (Abolition) led off in a speech in opposition to the resolutions, declaring it to be his opinion that the remedies of our troubles were not in Congressional action. He said:

"I do not know that this Congress can do anything; but this controversy will not be settled here."

He was right. The controversy was not settled there. Would to God it had been! But we all know that the reason why it was not settled there was, the Republicans would not permit it. Douglas told them, on the floor of the Senate, that the responsibility of the failure was with them. The Republican Senators and Representatives acted on the idea of Senator Chandler, of Michigan, who declared that without a little blood-letting the Union would not be worth a rush.

No further action was had on these resolu

COULD THE PRESENT WAR HAVE BEEN AVOID- tions, except ordering them to be printed, un

ED-HISTORY OF THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE.

"We know of no great revolution which might not have been prevented by compromise early and graciously made. Firmness is a great virtue in public affairs, but it has its sphere. Conspiracies and insurrections, in which small minorities are engaged, the outbreakings of popular violence unconnected with any extensive project or any durable principle, are best repressed by vigor and decisionTo shrink from them is to make them formidable. But no wise ruler will confound the pervading taint with the slight local irritation. No wise ruler will treat the deeply-seated discontents of a great party as he treats the conduct of a mob which destroys mills and power-looms. The neglect of this distinction has been fatal even to governments strong in the power of the sword.

*

*

*

In all movements of the human mind which tend to great revolutions, there is a crisis at which moderate concessions may amend, conciliate and preserve."-Macaulay.

No truer words were ever uttered by any historian; and had we had a wise ruler instead of the present weak-minded Chief Magistrate, we should not now have to lament the deplorable condition to which the country is reduced by the want of those timely concessions, which would have conciliated and preserved. To show to a people how they have been made the dupes of a class of men"whose hostility," in the language of the lamented Douglas, "to slavery is stronger than their fidelity to the Constitution, and who believed that the disruption would draw after it, as an inevitable consequence, civil war, servile insurrections, and, finally, the utter extinction of slavery in all the Southern States," we have made up from the record a history of the "Crittenden Com

til January 2d, 1861, (South Carolina having seceded Dec. 20, and her delegation withdrawn from Congress Dec. 24, 1860) when Mr. Crittenden introduced them anew with a different preamble, in which shape they read as follows: (Page 237,)

"WHEREAS, The Union is in danger, and owing to the unhappy divisions existing in Congress,it would be difficult, if not impossible, for that body to concur in both its branches by the requisite majority, so as to enable it either to adopt such measures of legislation or to recommend to the States such amendments to the Constitution as are deemed necessary and proper to avert that danger; and whereas in so great an emergency the opinion and judgment of the people ought to be heard, and would be the best and surest guide to their representatives; therefore

"Resolved, That provisions ought to be made by law, without delay, for taking the sense of the people, and submitting to their vote the following resolutions, as the basis for the final and permanent settlement of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the country, and threaten the existence of the Union.

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'Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, That the following articles be and are hereby proposed and submitted as amendmendments to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of said Constitution, when ratified by Conventions of threefourths of the several States:

held, or hereafter acquired, situated north of latitude thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment of crime, is prohibited ernment. In all the territory now held, or hereafter acwhile such territory shall remain under territorial gov

"Article 1. In all the territory of the United States now

quired, south of said line of latitude, slavery of the African race is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress; but shall be protected as property by all the departments of the Territorial government during its continuance; and when any territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Con

gress may prescribe, shall contain the population requsite for a member of Congress according to the then Federal ratio of representation of the people of the United States it shall if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without slavery, as the Constitution of such new State may provide.

"Art. 2. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in places under its exclusive jurisdiction, or within the limits of States that permit the holding of slaves.

"Art. 3. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery within the District of Columbia, so long as it exists in the adjoining States of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to said owners of slaves as do not consent to such abolishment. Nor shall Congress at any time prohibit officers of the Federal Government or members of Congress, whose duties require them to be in said District, from bringing with them their slaves, and holding them as such during the time their duties may require them to remain there, and afterward taking them from the District.

"Art. 4. Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the transportation of slaves, from one State to another, or to a Territory in which slaves are by law permitted to be held, whether that transportion be by land, navigable rivers, or by sea.

“Art. 5. That in addition to the provisions of the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, Congress shall have power to provide by law, and it shall be its duty so to provide, that the United States shall pay to the owner who shall apply for it the full value of his fugitive slave,in all cases when the Marshal, or other officers whose duty it was to arrest said fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation, or when, after arrest, said fugitive was rescued by force, and the owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for the recovery of of his fugitive slave, under the said clause of the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. And in such cases when the United States shall pay for such fugitive, they shall have the right in their own name to sue the county in which said violence, intimidation, or rescue, was committed, and to recover from it, with interest and damages the amount paid by them for said fugitive slave. And the said county after it has paid said amount to the United States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover from the wrong-doers or rescuers, by whom the owner was prevented from the recovery of his fugitive slave, in like manner as the owner himself might have sued and recovered. "Art. 6. No future amendment of the Constitution, shall effect the five preceding articles, nor the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph of the serond section of the fourth article of said Constitution, and no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere with slavery in any of the States by whose laws it is or may be allowed or permitted.

"AND, WHEREAS, also, besides those causes of dissension embraced in the foregoing amendments proposed to the Constitution of the United States, there are others which come within the jurisdiction of Congress, and may be remedied by its legislative power; and, whereas, it is the desire of Congress, as far as its power will extend, to remove all just cause for the popular discontent and agitation which now disturb the peace of the country, and threaten the stability of its institutions; therefore,

"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the laws now in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves are in strict pursuance of the Constitution, and have been sanctioned as valid and constitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States; that the slaveholding states are entitled to the faithful observance and execution of those laws, and that they ought not to be repealed or so modified or changed as to impair their efficiency; and that laws ought to be made for the punishment of those who attempt, by the rescue of the slaves, or other illegal means, to hinder or defeat the due execution of said laws.

"2. That all State laws which conflict with the Fugitive Slave Acts, or any other constitutional act of Congress, or which, in their opinion impede, hinder or delay the free course and due execution of any of said acts, are null and void by the plain provisions of the Constitution of the United States. Yet those State laws, void as they are, bave given color to practices and lead to consequences which

have obstructed the due administration and execution of acts of Congress, and especially the acts for the delivery of fugitive slaves, and have thereby contributed much to the discord and commotion now prevailing. Congress, therefore, in the present perilous juncture does not deem it improper, respectfully and earnestly to recommend the repeal of those laws to the several States which have enacted them, or such legislative corrections or explanations of them as may prevent their being used or perverted to such mischievous purposes,

"3. That the act of the 18th of September, 1850, commonly called the Fugitive Slave Law, ought to be so amended as to make the fee of the Commissioner, mentioned in the eighth section of this act, equal in amount, in the case decided by him, whether his decision be in favor or against the claimant. And, to avoid misconstruction, the last clause of the fifth section of said act, which authorizes the person holding a warrant for the arrest or detection of a fugitive slave to summon to his aid a posse comitatus and which declared it to be the duty of all good citizens to assist him in its execution, ought to be so amended as to expressly limit the authority and duty in cases in which there shall be resistance, or danger of resistance or rescue.

"4. That the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade, and especially those prohibiting the importation of slaves into the United States, ought to be made effectual, and ought to be thoroughly executed, and all other enactments necessary to those ends ought to be promptly made."

On the 15th 15th of January, 1861, Senator Clark (Abolitionist) moved to strike out all of Mr. Crittenden's proposition, after the preamble and the word Resolved, and insert in lieu thereof the following:

"That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an extrication from the present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, aud enforce the laws, rather than in guarantees for particular difficulties, or concessions to unreasonable demands.

"Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or overthrow or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of constructing a new one, are dangerous, ilusory, and destructive; that in the opinion of the Senate of the United States, no such reconstruction is practicable; and therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union and Constitution, should be directed all the energies of all the departments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens."

The object of the introduction of that resolution was very plain: it was to kill Mr. Crit tenden's plan without taking a direct vote on it. Mr. Clark's motion prevailed by the following vote:

AYES.

Durkee,
Fessenden,

Seward,
Simmons,
Suminer,
Ten Eyck,
Trumbull,

Wade,
Wilkinson,
Wilson,

Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Chandler,

Foote,

Foster,

Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle,

Grimes,

Hale,

Harlan,

King,

25.-All Republicans.

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In the House of Representatives.

On the 27th of February, 1861, [see page 1261,] Mr. Clemens, of Virginia, proposed to the House of Congress that the Crittenden compromise should be submitted to a vote of the people for adoption or rejection. He proposed the following joint resolution:

"WHEREAS, The Union is in danger; and owing to the unhappy division existing in Congress, it would be diffi

It will be seen that Mr. Cameron voted against his own proposition. The motion to reconsider having prevailed, the question then was on agreeing to Mr. Clark's substitute for the Crittenden plan. The final vote was not taken, on agreeing directly to the Crittenden proposition, until the 3d of March, the day pre-cult, if not impossible, for that body to concur, in both its ceding the close of the Congress and the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln. The Clark amendment was first disposed of; the debate preceding the vote on which we give:

Mr. Clark-"It might be expected, as I offered that substitute, that I would say something in its support; but, as the session is drawing so near a close, though I am prepared, I shall waive the opportunity, and let the vote be taken.

Mr. Wilson-"We have voted on that several times, and I suggest that it be withdrawn, and let us vote directly on the resolutions.

The Presiding Officer-"It cannot be withdrawn, the yeas and nays having been ordered.

"The Secretary proceeded to call the roll.

Mr. Anthony (when his name was called)—"Without any reference to the merits of this amendment, I shall vote against it for the purpose of allowing the Senator from Kentucky to obtain a vote on his resolutions. I vote

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either to adopt such measures of legislation, or to recombranches, by the requisite majority, so as to enable it mend to the States such amendments to the Constitution as are deemed necessary and proper to avert that danger;

and

"WHEREAS, In so great an emergency, the opinion and judgment of the people ought to be heard, and would be the best and surest guide to their representatives; therefore

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That provisions ought to be made by law, without delay, for taking the sense of the people, and submitting to the vote the following resolutions (Crittenden's) as the basis for the final and permanent settlement of those disputes that now disturb the peace of the country and threaten the existence of the Union.”

[Here followed Mr. Crittenden's resolutions. The proposition of Mr. Clemens was rejected by the following vote: yeas 80, nays 113.

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"YEAS.

Moore, T, Am.
Morris, I, N, d.

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Avery, D.

Garnette, D.

Sumner,

Nelson, Am.

Trumbull,
Wade,

Barr, D.

Gilmer, Am.

Barrett, D.

Hamilton, D.

Noell, D.

Doolittle,

King,

Wilkinson.-14.

Babcock, D.

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Boteler, Am.

Harris, T. J, D.

Phelps, D.

Bouligney, Am.

Hatton, Am.

NAYS.

Brabson, Am.

Holman, D.

Quarles, Am.

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Branch, D.

Howard, William,

Baker,

Gwin,

Nicholson,

Briggs, Am.

Hughes, D.

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Polk,

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Bigler,

Johnson, of Tenn. Pugh,

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Bright,

Kennedy,

Rice,

Burch, D.

Larabee, D.

Crittenden,

Lane,

Sebastian,

Burnett, D.

Leach, J, M,

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Ten Eyck-22.

Clark, H. F. D.

Leake, D.

Douglas,

Clark, J. B. D.

Logan, D.

Cochrane, John,

D

Maclay, D.

Mallorry, Am.

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Cox, D.
Craig, James, D.

Burton, D.

Davis, J, G, D,
Craig, D,

DeJarnette, D.
Dimmick, D.

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Martin, C, D, 'D.
Martin, E, S, D..
Maynard, Am.
McClernard, D.
McKentey, D.

Smith, W,H.N, Am
Stevenson, D.
Stewart, J, A, D,
Stokes, Am.
Stout, D.

Thomas, D.
Vallandigham, D.
Vance, Am.

Webster, Am.

Millson, D.

Whitney, D.

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Winslow, D.

English, D.

Laban, Am.

Woodson, D.

80-Democrats, 61; Americans, 19.

Wright, D

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113. Republicans, 110; Americans, 2; Democrats, 1. Such was the recorded action of the two houses of Congress, at the most critical and momentous period of our history, on a measure that would have saved us from civil war had

the representatives of the party that had just been elected to power adopted it in season.

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tors, except those from South Carolina, who had retired from Congress; and no one denied the truth of his statement. Nor did any of the Republican members of the Committee of Thir-: teen deny its truthfulness. They must, therefore all be taken as having concurred in its correctness, viz:. that the Southern Senators would have received the Crittenden plan, if tendered and sustained by the Republican members, as a final settlement of the slavery controversy; and, that therefore, the only difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment was, with the Republican party, and on it would rest the sole responsibility of the disagreement and its consequent horrors of civil war.

But there is other proof. On the 7th of January, 1861, Mr. Toombs made a speech (see p. 270) in which he corroborated the statement of Mr. Douglas, so far as he was concerned. He said:

*

"But, although I insist upon this perfect equality in the territories, yet when it was proposed, as I understand the Senator from Kentucky now proposes, that the line of 36 deg. 30 min. shall be extended acknowledging and protecting our property on the south side of that line, for the: sake of peace-permanent peace-I said to the Committee of Thirteen, and I say here, that, with other satisfactoryprovisions, I would accept it. I am willing, however, to take the proposition of the Senator, as it was understood in committee, putting the North and the South on the same ground, prohibiting slavery on one side, acknowleding slavery and protecting it on the other, and applying that to all future acquisitions, so that the whole continent to the North Pole shall be settled upon the one rule, and to the South Pole under the other."

But that is not all. By reference to the same Congressional Globe, part 2, page 1300. will be found a speech made by Mr. Pugh, on the In In the course of that 3d of March, 1861.

speech, Mr. Pugh said:

It is denied by some of the leaders and presses of the Republican party, that such would have been the result of the adoption by Congress of the Crittenden Compromise; but they produce no proof to sustain their assertion. On the other hand, we have as high tes-jority of the people of my State-ay, sir, and of nearly timony as could be desired or needed, to show that had the Crittenden Compromise been adopted in season, it would have saved the country from civil war.

Senator Douglas, on the 3d of January, 1861 speaking of his own plan of adjustment, which he had introduced into the Senate, said: (See Appendix Con. Globe, 1860, 1861, page 41.).

"I believe this (his own plan] to be a fair basis of amicable adjustment. If you of the Republican side are not willing to accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, pray, tell us what you are willing to do. I address the inquiry to the Pepublialone, for the reason that in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the cotton States, (Messrs. Toombs and Davis,) expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of my venerable friend from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, as a FINAL SETTLEMENT of the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the Republican members. Hence, THE SOLE RESPONSIBILITY of our disagreement and the ONLY DIFFICULTY in the way of an AMICABLE ADJUSTMENT is with the REPUBLICAN PARTY."

When Mr. Douglas made that speech, he made it in presence and in the hearing of Jeff. Davis and Toombs, and other Southern Sena

"The Crittenden proposition has been indorsed by the almost unanimous vote of the Legislature of Kentucky. Commonwealth of Virginia. It has been petitioned for by It has been indorsed by the Legislature of the noble old a larger number of electors of the United States than any proposition that was ever before Congress. I believe in my heart to-day that it would carry an overwhelming maevery other State in the Union. Before the Senators from the State of Mississippi left this Chamber, I heard one of them, who now assumes, at least, to be President of the Southern Confederacy, propose to accept it and to maintain the Union if that proposition could receive the vote it ought to receive from the other side of the Chamber. Therefore, of all your propositions, of all your amendments, knowing at any time before the 1st of January, a two-thirds vote as I do, and knowing that the historian will write it down, for the Crittenden Resolutions in this Chamber would have saved every State in the Union but South Carolina.”

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Mr. Pugh said that in the presence and in the hearing of Republican Senators, and no one denied the truth of his assertion. Mr. Douglas was present and followed Mr. Pugh in a speech, remarking: in a speech, remarking: (Page 1391.)

"The Senator has said that if the Crittenden Proposition could have passed early in the session, it would have saved all the States except South Carolina. I firmly believe it would. While the Crittenden Proposition was not in accordance with my cherished views, I avowed my readiness and eagerness to accept it, in order to save the Union, if we could unite upon it. No man has labored harder than I to get it passed. I can confirm the Senator's declaration, that Senator Davis himself, when on the Committee of Thirteen, was ready, at all times, to compromise on the Crittenden Proposition, I will go further, and say that Mr. Toombs was also."

We think nothing could be more conclusive | any that would be acceptable to the South.than that testimony, unless the actual experi- They wanted a disruption of the Union, and ment itself, by the adoption of the plan itself civil war, in order to overthrow slavery. The and a trial under it, which the Republican testimony of Mr. Douglas on that point is overmembers would not permit Senator Critten- whelming. In a letter to S. S. Hayes, Esq., of den's opinion as to the effect the adoption of Illinois, he said: his plan would have had, was expressed by him, in a letter to Larz Anderson, Esq., of Cincinnati, dated Frankfort, March 27, 1861, in which he said:

"Those resolutions were proposed in the true spirit of compromise, aad with the hope of preserving or restoring to the country peace and union. They were the result of the joint labors of, and consultation with friends, having the same object in view; and I believe if those measures thus offered had been, at a suitable time, promptly adopted by the Congress of the United States; it would have checked the progress of the rebellion and revolution and SAVED THE UNION."

Some of the leaders finding the proof against their party to be so conclusive and overwhelming, endeavor to avoid its force by stating that, had the Southern Senators remained in their seats and voted, the Crittenden plan of Compromise would have passed Congress. That is not true. Under no circumstances could it have passed the House, which was Republican. With a full Senate, and every Senator present and voting, it would have required forty-four votes to pass the Crittenden Compromise, being a two-thirds vote, which is required on amendments to the Constitution. Had the thirty Senators from the Slave States been present and voted, they, with the ten Democrats from the Free States, would have made but forty, which would not have been enough by four votes. It is not true, therefore, that had the Southern Senators remained in their seats and voted, the Crittenden Compromise would have passed the Senate even. As we have already remarked, the House being Republican, it could not have received a majority vote in that body, let alone a two thirds vote.

But unanimity of opinion was necessary to have secured the success of the Crittenden plan with the states, had it even passed Congress. The Southern Senators, in the Committee of Thirteen, felt the necessity of that unanimity, aud therefore it was that Mr. Douglas said, that "every member from the South, including those from the Cotton States, (Messrs. Toombs and Davis,) expressed their readiness to accept the Crittenden Compromise as a final settlement of the controversy, IF TENDERED AND SUSTAINED BY THE REPUBLICANS." If not tendered and sustained by the Republicans, the Southern Senators, as did everybody else, knew that the adoption, by Congress, of the Crittenden Compromise, would, in the end, be perfectly nugatory, as it would be defeated in the State Legislatures by the Republicans. Had it been tendered and sustained by the Republican members of Congress, the Southern people would have had a strong assurance, amounting almost to certainty, of its success in the State Legislatures; for the two great parties would then have been for it. But the managing, leading Republicans wanted no compromise at all, and least of all did they desire

"WASHINGTON, December 29, 1860.

܀

*

"MY DEAR SIR: * You will have received my proposed amendments to the Constitution before you receive this. The South would take my proposition if the Republicans would agree to it. But the extreme North and South hold off, and are precipitating the country into revolution and civil war.

"While I can do no act which recognizes or countenances the doctrine of secession, my policy is peace, and I will not consider the question of war until every effort has been made for peace, and all hope shall have vanished. When that time comes, if unfortunately it shall come, I will then do what it becomes an American Senator to do on the then state of facts. Many of the Republican leaders desire a dissolution of the Union, and URGE WAR AS A MEANS OF ACCOMPLISHING DISUNION; while others are Union men in good faith. We have now reached a point where a COMPROMISE on the basis of MUTUAL CONCESSION, or DISUNION, and WAR, are INEVITABLE. I prefer a fair and just compromise. I shall make a speech in a few days. S. A. DOUGLAS. "S. S. HAYES, ESQ."

On the same day Mr. Douglas addressed a letter of like import to the Hon. John Taylor, of New York. of New York. To that gentleman, Mr. Douglas wrote:

"WASHINGTON, Dec. 29, 1860.

"MY DEAR SIR:--Pressure of business has prevented an earlier acknowledgment of your kind letter. The prospects of our country are gloomy indeed, but I do not despair of the Republic. We are now drifting rapidly into civil war, which must end in disunion. This can only be prevented by amendments to the Constitution, which will take the slavery question out of Congress, and put an end to the strife. Whether this can be done DDPENDS UPON THE REPUBLICANS. Many of their leaders desire disunion on party grounds, and here is the difficulty. God grant us a safe deliverance is my prayer.

"Very truly your friend,

'Hon. JOHN TAYLOR.”

"S. A. DOUGLAS.

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Mr. Douglas made his speech four or five days after the date of that letter, in which he avowed his readiness and eagerness to accept the Crittenden Compromise in order to save the Union; thereby endorsing it as "a fair and just compromise." But there were too many Republican leaders, who desired a dissolution of the Union, and urged war as a means of accomplishing disunion, to permit either Mr. Douglas' plan or Mr. Crittenden's plan, or the Peace Conference plan to pass; and so the country was precipitated into civil war.

Early in February, 1861, Mr. Douglas, in a letter to the editors of the Memphis Appeal, drew more fully the portrait of the managing Republicans. He said:

"WASHINGTON, February 2, 1861. You must remember that

"MESSRS, EDITORS: * * *

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there are disunionists among the party leaders at the North as well as at the South, men whose hostility to slavery is stronger than their fidelity to the Constitution, and who believe that the disruption of the Union would draw after it, as an inevitable consequence, civil war, servile insurrection, and, finally, the utter extermination of slavery in all the Southern States. They are bold, daring, determined men; and believing, as they do, that the Constitution of the United States is the great bulwark of slavery on this continent, and that the disruption of the American Union involves the inevitable destruction of slavery, and is an inseperable necessity to the attainment of that end,

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